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"In offering these congratulations to your Majesty, it is incumbent uponfus to add the expressions of our condolence on the loss your Majes. ty has sustained by the death of our late gracious Sovereign, your Majesty's steadfast friend, King George the Third; and still more, on the irreparable loss your Majesty has suffered by the death of your amiable and incomparable daughter, the Princess Charlotte; on whom the hopes of the country were fixed; and in whose virtues were combined the surest safeguards for the loyalty, and the liberty, of a people born to freedom; and who have never abused the blessings of freedom, when fairly and constitutionally dispensed to them.

"We would on no account offend, by intruding unnecessarily, into the personal concerns of your Majesty. Your Majesty's interests, however, have become the interests of the public. shall be excused, as well as believed, when we take the liberty of We trust, then, we assuring your Majesty, that we have long beheld the afflictions by which your Majesty has been so peculiarly oppressed, with the most genuine emotions of sympathy and grief.

"In these feelings, common, with some few unimportant exceptions, to the great bulk of his Majesty's subjects, we have been, in some degree, consoled, by the conviction that your Majesty must have seen, and known, that the sufferings to which you have been exposed, and the indignities to which you have been doomed, have been in no way attributable to any want of affection, or dutiful consideration, towards your Majesty, on the part of the British nation.

"But, of all the consolations which, under such circumstances, we could have received, one of the greatest has been afforded to us, by the courage, the fortitude, and the magnanimity, with which your Majesty has opposed yourself, in person, to measures which threatened, if not the destruction of your Majesty's life, the destruction, at least, of your Majesty's privileges and reputation. The extraordinary vigour of your Majesty's conduct, has not only commanded the respect, the admiration, and the confidence, of every liberal and enlightened mind; but it has raised, we trust, an invincible barrier against the enemies of your Majesty's peace and honour; and has secured the transmission of your Majesty's name to futurity, unsullied by the defilements which malevolence and servility might have attempted to attach to it.

"That the advantages your Majesty has acquired by this wise and dignified course of proceeding, may not be impaired by needless or insidious negociations; that your Majesty's character and rights may be established on the plain and common-sense grounds, which are evidently those of your Majesty's choice; and not be frittered away by verbal subtilties and refinements, beyond the scope of popular comprehension; that your Majesty by continuing to dwell among us, may not only long reign in our hearts, but be an eye-witness, and a personal partaker of the joys, with which (as it has been confessed even by one of the King's Ministers) your Majesty's presence is calculated to inspire us; jesty, in few words, may possess, during the remainder of your valuable that your Malife, such securities for happiness, as may, in some measure, atone for the unmerited ills of days gone by, these, may it please your Majesty, are the objects earnestly wished and devoutly prayed for, by the millions of friends, and of advocates, by whom your Majesty is at this moment surrounded; and by no part of the British community more ardently than by the Inhabitants of that large and important district of the Metropolis, who now presume to lay at your Majesty's feet, this humble testimony of their fidelity, their regard, and their veneration."

To which her Majesty returned the following answer:

"I cordially thank the inhabitants of the ancient town and borough of Southwark for this loyal and affectionate expression of their congratulations and condolence; for their anxious solicitude for my comfort, tranquillity, and safety; for the lively interest they feel in every thing affecting my honour and dignity; for their generous avowal, that in my cause is involved that of themselves, and of that constitution under which royalty and popular freedom entwined, have flourished for so many ages, and to which constitution evidence collected in the dark, charges brought forward under seal, selected and secret tribunals, are wholly unknown.

"The rights of a Queen of this kingdom stand upon the immutable basis of the laws; and the inhabitants of Southwark may be assured, that no proceeding, whether insidious or menacing, should induce me to abandon those rights, the maintenance of which is a duty which I owe to a people, whose attachment to me will ever remain engraven on my heart, and who can know neither joy nor sorrow in which I shall not fully participate."

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The following is the Address from the inhabitants of Nottingham:

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The humble and dutiful Address of the Inhabitants of Nottingham and its neighbourhood, to her Most Gracious Majesty Queen Caroline, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland.

"May it please your Most Gracious Majesty,

"That, ever sensible of your Majesty's virtues, we, the inhabitants of this ancient town and neighbourhood, most humbly presume to offer, as a testimony of love and attachment to your most sacred person, our unfeigned congratulations, and to hail your return to those realms over which the all-wise disposer of events has been pleased to call you and your royal consort to reign in justice, mercy, and love. We have long sympathized in your exile and woes, and we should be proud to draw the veil over those calamities, insults, and persecutions, you have sustained for a series of years, could we behold in your royal consort, disgust turned into streams of love and unity. The nation might then anticipate an end to its wrongs; England might then hope for better and happier days; but cloudy, obscure, and portentous as these our times appear, we regard your return to the shores of Albion as the omen of a brighter day, when your benevolent hand may be stretched forth to succour and to aid a drooping, insulted, and injured people. Our attachment to your illustrious house, our veneration for the constitution, the just principles of our forefathers, remain firm and unshaken; and we shall never bend the knee to an oppressive administration, who have deceived both the King and the people, and deluged this our happy land in misery and woe; whose deeds every honest man boasting the name of Briton, has reason to deplore. We lament to say, that the most bitter cup of life has been filled during your absence, and thousands been made to drink deep of its deadly potion;-in this land too, boasting of freedom and professing Christianity; (where the trial by jury is supposed to be, as it were, the key stone to the arch of purity, and, according to that best of principles, the accused is deemed innocent until found guilty;) where Industry once reared her honest front; where Iudcpendence smiled,

and sorrow was unknown! But now, alas! pale misery, want, and disease, infest the poor man's dwelling, and whose cheek glows no more with the bloom of health. The nation mourns, not only on account of your persecutions, but the manifold grievances under which it labours from a cruel misrule; but we had reason to hope that mourning might have been turned into joy had you not been cruelly exiled from the bosom of your Royal Consort, and the smiling congratula tions of your people, who now hail with heartfelt satisfaction the arrival of their Queen, whose right it is, no doubt, to wear the crown and bear a sceptre; which may your Most Gracious Majesty do until it may please the Almighty to call you to another and a better world-there to inherit a crown of eternal glory in the bosom of thy God."

To which her Majesty returned the following answer :

"I receive with cordial gratitude the affectionate sentiments expressed in this address.

"Sincerely as I must ever deplore the distresses that may fall on any of my fellow-subjects, I must decline to speculate on their probable causes, or to cast reproaches on their supposed authors. Having come to this country for my own vindication, I cannot mix political animosities with my just cause.

"My fervent prayers will be constantly offered to the Throne of Mercy for the happiness and prosperity of the whole English people; and there is no portion of them for whom I feel a livelier interest than the inhabitants of the ancient town and neighbourhood of Nottingham."

The following is the Address of the Corporation of York.


Madam,-We, the Lord Mayor and inhabitants of the City of York and its vicinity, beg leave to approach your Majesty with our serious condolence on the deaths of your illustrious daughter and our late sovereign, and with our congratulations and assurances of duty on your accession to the throne, and on your safe return to this kingdom. We view with sentiments of strong reprobation the conduct of ministers towards your Majesty. In their insults to you, they insult the Royal Family, at whose head, conjointly with the King, you are placed; the laws and institutions of the country, and the sacred principles of justice; whilst the noble firmness of your Majesty's demeanour, so worthy your exalted state, has attracted our warmest admiration; and your Majesty may be assured not only of the best wishes of a free and loyal people, but that, in opposition to their sense of right, no insidious machinations can prevail against you.

May the clouds which now obscure your Majesty's peace and happiness be quickly dispelled; and may you, in a long and prosperous life, forget the calamities of your earlier years, and, as Queen of this united kingdom, enjoy the blessings and honours of your illustrious rank.

As chairman of the meeting, and for and on behalf of the said inhabitants. GEORGE PEACOCK, Mayor.

Guildhall, York, June 26

To which her Majesty returned the following answer :-


I thank you for your loyal congratulations on my accession to the throne, and on my return to England, as well as for your expressions of condolence on the severe losses, which, in common with the whole nation, I have sustained in the death of my dear and illustrious relatives. Had it pleased Providence to preserve their lives, I should not have now been exposed to the persecutions that await me, nor the country to the fatal consequences that must always follow a departure from the sacred principles of public justice. In the unequal contest against those secret advisers who are alike the enemies of my Royal cousort and myself, I rely with confidence on the sympathy and support of every generous bosom, and feel secure that the vindication of my honour will be again complete.


Rather a curious circumstance has been brought to light, one which the most besotted admirers of monarchy, and its pageant train and trappings, could scarcely have dreamt of. It is no less a circumstance, than an attempt to provide a crown for one of the Bourbons, in a part of South America! The idea has been met with ridicule by those to whom so important an offer was made. It is somewhat on a par with the application of the ex-royal Norman to Dr. Franklin, offering to oblige the United States of America with his head and body, to wear a Crown and sit on a throne, for their honour and dignity. We insert the whole article as it has appeared in the Times newspaper, and shall offer a few comments upon this farcical affair.


Accounts have been received from Buenos-Ayres, by the Blossom, sloop of war, of a curious nature. They relate to a project discovered to have been in agitation for placing a Prince of the House of Bourbon at the head of an independent Sovereignty on the river Plate. The circumstance has been brought to light by the late changes in the Government of Buenos-Ayres. From the documents now published, and received by the Blossom, it appears that in June, 1819, Gomez, the Envoy from Buenos-Ayres, at Paris, was invited to a conference by M. De Cazes, then French Minister for Foreign

Affairs, the object of which was to communicate a project of the French cabinet for the consolidation of the Independent Government of South America.

M. D. Cazes set out with arguments on the advantages which would result from a constitutional monarchy for South America; amongst which it was not the least that the European Powers discountenanced all republics; while, if a monarchical government was consented to, there would remain no further objection to recognizing their independence. The Prince proposed by France, to be the head, of the new dynasty in South America is the Duke of Parma, ci-devant Prince Royal of Etruria, and son to a sister of Ferdinand of Spain; he is represented as 18 years of age, and educated in liberal principles. Au alliance with a Princess of Brazils was pointed out as likely to follow, which would increase the rank and security of the new monarchy; and the restitution of the Banda Oriental would, as a matter of course, become the dowry of such a marriage.

This project, the French Minister observed, would meet with the decided approbation of the continental powers, especially Russia and Austria. Great Britain might not like it, but yet would not find any good pretence for resisting it. His Catholic Majesty would yield to the influence of all Europe with the better grace, as his former dependencies would be only transferred to a branch of his own family. The King of France would furnish assistance of every kind, and employ every means, even to the supply of troops, for carrying the affair into execution.

A memorial was then handed to the Euvoy, which, after recapitulating all the foregoing arguments, urges the necessity of secrecy, in order to prevent obstacles from Great Britain, and avows, as one of the principal objects in view, a design to thwart British influence and commerce in South America, and to raise French and continental interests in that quarter. Proceeding on this bias, the writer of the memorial, which is not, however, in an official form, expatiates on the dangers of a British Prince being called to the throne of South America, who would be a fanatic for the religious principles of the nation he would be called to govern, and overturn, or at least outrage, the faith of his new subjects. The Envoy, taken by surprise, raised some slight objections, and declined giving any deci sive answer, as he had not sufficient instructions on a proposal of so important a nature. The French minister readily consented to his asking for instructions.

On the 26th October last, when the statement of this conference reached Buenos-Ayres, Rondeau, then Director ad interim, made a secret communication to the Congress, and transmitted to them the letter of the Envoy, together with the French memorial; on the following day, and on the 3d of November, the matter was discussed in secret meetings, and the result was a resolution, that the Constitution lately sworn to allows no alteration to be made in the form of government till after the meeting of the two Chambers. That a branch of the Bourbon family, so closely connected with the reiguing

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