people applied themselves to ftudy the dogmas of the primitive churchmen, and thought liberty confifted in being permitted to repeat extempore prayers, and fing hymns of their own compofition. Civil rights were not generally understood. Such weak enthufiafts may be the ob jects of pity; but those who perfecute them for confcience fake, are more cruel than the monsters of the defert; and yet they were hunted for a whole century, like partridges upon the mountains, by the agents of kings and bifhops; and defenceless men, women and children, after being plundered of their property, had their houses confumed to afhes, and were butchered in cold blood. This is no exaggerated account. The page of history is every where blotted with a catalogue of fimilar crimes; priefts putting thoufands to death, in the name of a God of mercy; and kings, under the pretence of protecting liberty and property, laying wafte whole provinces with fire and fword.'

When Fletcher had finished his education under Dr. Burnet, he made the tour of Europe, with a view to acquire a knowledge of the laws, cuftoms, and manners of foreign nations. On his return, he opposed the measures of the court, and ufed every exertion to rescue his native country from the tyranny of the Stuarts.

The duke of Lauderdale was then minister of Scotland, and from an enthufiaitic bigot, as is common, became a moft violent perfecutor of his former affociates. The courfe of juice was every where suspended, and a military banditti governed without controul. Houses, and even whole villages, were reduced to ashes; and fathers, mothers, and children, configned to the devouring flames. It was the wifh of the court to drive the covenanters to refiftance, before they were properly organized, that they might have a plaufible pretext for eftablishing a mercenary army; and the duke of Lauderdale, in his drunken fits, used to say, he withed the prefbyterians in Scotland would rebel, that he might bring over the irish to cut their throats."

Fletcher joined the earl of Argyll, in his oppofition to adminiftration, and maintained the cause of his deferted country with the force of ancient eloquence, and the dignity of ancient virtue. His perfevering fortitude, in fome degree, checked the career of defpotifm, and revived the drooping fpirit of his countrymen. His exertions during the debates on the test act, were crowned with fuccefs, and the duke of York himself confeffed, that it was owing to Fletcher that he loft Scotland. This conduct drew upon him the refentment of the court, and it was refolved to add him to the numberless victims of royal vengeance. Convinced that innocence is no protection against lawless power, he retired to England, to confult his friend and preceptor, Dr. Burnet. The ftorm continuing to increafe, he found it advifeable to go to Holland, the common refort of the difaffected of both countries. The privy council, at the inftigation of the duke of York, fummoned him to appear before them at Edinburgh; but not thinking it prudent to comply, he was out-lawed, upon frivolous pretences, and his eftates confifcated for the benefit of the king.'

Some paflages in this volume contain pretty fevere ftrictures on what the author conceives to be abufes in governments. A certain queruloufnefs alfo pervades the whole, arifing, no doubt, from the fituation of the unfortunate biographer.

ART. XXIV. Confequences of the French Invafion. Sir John Dalrymple avows himself to be the Author of this Pamphlet of fatirical Inftruction, conveyed in a new Way; and entreats the Attention of the Public to it at the prefent Crifis of impending Invafion. 8vo. 37 pages. Pr. 1s, Debrett. 1798.

As fir J. Dalrymple, instead of wielding the pen of the hiftorian as formerly, now borrows the graver of the caricaturif, it may be here neceffary perhaps, to tranfcribe part of his preface:

King William, whofe whole life was spent in railing and keeping alive the fpirit of nations against France, faw well the importance of this vehicle, as an engine of itate. On the revocation of the edict of Nantes, he fpread engravings of the fufferings of proteftants in France. all over the protellant parts of Europe; by which he added the courage of reafon to that of pallion in thofe who faw them; and raifed a higher ftorm against Lewis the fourteenth, than even his own persecutions had done.

During the prefent revolutions of Holland a feries of engravings were published, which containing a fucceffion of events, and confequences from them, formed a kind of history, whereby men were taught their duty in public life by their fears and their dangers. Twelve thoufand copies were circulated in that country, at a trifling expence. The antidote however came too late for the poifon.

But the confideration that the antidote was not yet too late in Britain, fuggefted to me, that a reprefentation in fucceffion of the confequences which would naturally, or rather inevitably follow a fuccefsful invafion of Britain by France, circulated among the people at a cheap price in engavings, and extended to fuch manufactures as are connected with the arts of drawing, might roufe all the people to an active union against that invasion, at a time when about five millions of vultures, with beaks and claws, hover over them; and when the indolence and divifions of the people themfelves are more alarming than all their foreign enemies.

I gave the idea to thofe who could execute it without giving me the trouble of doing fo. They demurred, probably because they thought the war of prints an ignoble one. I refpect their delicacy, but I respect my own want of it ftill more. All weapons, except those which the french ufe, are needed. I confefs that a weapon of this kind does not fuit a man of my age and fituation. But there are times when men who have latent powers of mind hitherto unknown, ought to call them forth, although thofe powers be not of the most dignified kind, provided they be useful.'

It clearly appears, that fir J. D. here intends to hold up the french to horrour and deteftation. We apprehend however, that both the mode and the execution are incompetent to the attainment of the object. The firft, which either is, or borders on buffoonery, is only calculated to excite a tranfitory laugh, and rather banishes, than creates ferious ideas. In refpect to the fecond, the images are not always calculated to produce the degree of difuft intended. It is difficult to paint manners like Hogarth, and this is but a poor attempt to transfer his ferio-comic ftyle from morals, to politics,

No I. PLATE I.

We come to recover your long-loft liberties.

Scene the house of Commons.'

The author here intends, in the language of Shakspeare, "to harrow up the foul," and it will of courfe be concluded, that the means would not be wanting in a free country. The feizure, by an armed force, of men dear to the nation, the defenders of it's rights, the upholders of it's liberties, the artifans of it's glory, would naturally roufe a juft indignation, and, accordingly, there is perhaps no part of our history better calculated for this purpofe, than that memorable epoch, when Charles 1 demanded the three obnoxious members. Here, on the contrary, are all the ingredients of the ludicrous, the speaker's mouth, is gagged with a drumstick,' an inftrument, from the affociation of ideas, leading to laughter, rather than a generous fympathy, while inftead of our indignation being aroufed by the fufferings of a Hampden, a Ruffel, or a Sydney, we behold Mr. Pitt and Mr. Dundas (tied) by the leg and neck with an iron chain, which has three padlocks, but the key-holes fpiked up.' How far fuch fufferers are calculated to excite commiferation, we leave our readers to judge. No III. PLATE II.

Me teach the english republicans to work.'

Scene a ploughed field.'

A row of english husbandmen in tatters, and wooden fhoes, hoeing a field of garlick, and patiently enduring a tall rawboned frenchman, who is brandishing a long waggoner's whip. The moral from this, viz. that John Bull is a bad lad, only when you are good to him,' has already, we are afraid, been too often acted upon.

From No IV, Plate I, we learn that captain Schank's wife is a good woman! There is as much ribaldry, and fwearing here, as in one of pere Duchefne's gazettes.

In No V, Plate II, we have the reprefentation of a french majorgeneral (formerly an apothecary) giving a glifter [clyfter] from a fteam engine to a very fat englishman. This is a delicate fubject, and of, courfe it must give great fatisfaction to learn that it is inimitably engraved in Spagniolette's and Mr. Richard Cooper's best manner.'

In No VII, Plate II, fir J. introduces an obfcure commander of his own name, within a few inches of the pillory.

In a note to No VIII, Plate I, we learn the following curious, but unauthenticated particulars, which reflect little honour on the eld french government.

When the author was in the habit of being at Paris, the births were annually 25,000, and the entries of the enfans trouvés, 5000; fo that the mothers were ignorant of the yearnings of a mother's heart: and every fifth child knew neither father, mother, fifter, brother, nor any of (what Milton calls) "the dear charities of life," thofe bonds, by which the Almighty binds the human race together in chains of adamant. This fingle circumftance accounts for all the late horrors of Paris, where 700,000 innocent people were at the mercy of 100,000 unfociated, unfeeling, folitary lions and tygers of the forefts. There was at the enfans trouvés a vaft charnel place, called "Cimetier des Innocents," (in english) "the Charnel of Innocents" in which the living children were in the habit of dancing over the dead, &c.'

G4

Towards

Towards the conclufion, fir John treads on tender ground, for he hints at one of the vices of a great man, whom he dooins, like a former duke of Clarence, to be privately fuffocated in his favourite beverage; while the inftruments of torture,' in the concluding plate, may, perhaps, be confidered, by thofe not in the fecret, as a reflection on the prefent government of Ireland.

So much for fir J. D.'s panacea for reftoring spirit and unanimity to the nation! But, indeed, we do him injuftice in confining the remedy to our own island, as we find it, like other quackeries, affuming the name of univerjal, more especially if taken in time, as inay be feen from the preface:

The fame idea, extended to nobler objects, and in a more stately ftyle, might roufe the governments and nations of the continent of Europe, to reflect that they are fleeping npon ice, which thaws around them without their perceiving it, and animate them to a general union (as king William did their ancestors) against the most barbarous nation that has exifted fince the creation of the world.' We learn, at the fame time, that this precious alexipharmic may be fent, in a frank, or by poft, for a trifle.'

It may be here proper to obferve, that while we laugh at the puny efforts of the northern baronet, for repreffing a warlike foe, we ourfelves are not infenfible, either to the advantages refulting from unanimity, or the horrours arifing from fubjection, whether foreign or domeftic.

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8vo.

ART. XXV. An Alarm to the Public, and a Bounty promised to every loyal Subject who will come forward to repel the Enemy. Arms and Accoutrements provided for every Man gratis. by J. Brown. 15 pages. Yarmouth, Buth; London, Longman. 1798. THE language of war is here adapted to religion; and the godly texts on one fide of the page are illuftrated by a pious paraphrafe on the other.

ART. XXVI. A cool Appeal to the feber Sense of Englishmen: or Republicanism and Monarchy confidered. By an English Conftitutionalift. 8vo. 46 pages. Price is. Salisbury, Eafton; London, Hatchard. 1798.

FROM the defignation affumed by the author, in the title-page, we naturally imagined, that he was an advocate for the conftitution; but we find, that it would prove extremely hazardous, and by no means rudent at prefent,' to attempt it's refioration.

He is exccedingly fhocked at the conduct of the whig club, in recognizing the fovereignty of the people,' and of course Mr. Erine, the eloquent propofer of the toaft, is exposed to his worst fufpicions.

The minifter,' fays he, rafhly gave up his friend (Mr. Reeves) to be torn in pieces by the fangs of oppofition, for what has been deemed an inconfiderate figure of speech. And here ftands a man on whom the lighteft finger has not dared to fall, who has had the effrontery at a numerous public meeting, in the face of the whole nation, to rob the monarchy of this country of it's first and grand

prerogative; a prerogative, with which the laws of the land have invested it. It is an infilt offered to the conftitution, and the whole body of the nation; and ought by the nation and the laws of the conftitution to be defervedly punished. Did this gentleman defire to share the difgrace of a noble duke? Other means might have' been pursued, without adopting this violent meafore. One would charitably fuppofe, that the honourable member is not a penfioner of France; and therefore a doubt naturally arifes in our minds, whether this proceeding be the vifible effect of infatuation, or of disappointed ambition 2

ART. XXVII. Our good Cafle on the Rock: or Union the one Thing needful Addreffed to the People of England. 12mo. 23 pages. Price 3d. Wright.

1798.

THIS is an allegorical pamphlet, recommending union.

ART. XXVIII. Quelques Obfervations d'un Cofmopolite fur le Projet de fermer le Wefer & l'Elbe au Commerce de la Grande Bretagne :--Some Obfervations on the Plan of excluding the Commerce of Great Britain from the Wefer and Elbe. By a Cofinopolite. 4to. 12 pages. No Printer's Name. 1797.

Ar the beginning of the prefent unhappy conteft, it seemed to be the intention of the english miniftry, to farve France, by intercepting her fupplies of corn. The government of that country, by way of retaliation, has more than once formed the plan of ftarving our manufacturers, by excluding our commerce from the principal ports of Europe. Luckily, for the caufe of humanity, both have failed in their schemes of vengeance.

The author of this fhort pamphlet is of opinion, that the french have no right to cut off all cominunication on the part of England with the Elbe and the Wefer, as this meafure would produce the ruin . of Bremen and Hamburgh. Such a plan would neceffarily be oppofed by the king of Pruffia, and the elector of Saxony: the king of Denmark and the emperour would alio find it their intereft to prevent it's completion.

France ought to recollet,' fays he, that he is under great obligations to the maritime ftates, more especially the hanfeatic towns, for fubfiftence during times of fcarcity. If the wish to revive her commerce, refume her induftry, procure raw materials, create fleets, and regain her ftation among the maritime powers, let her coolly calculate how much the ought to refpect the political and commercial existence of the hanfeatic towns, the ruin of which the might be able to accomplish without effecting that of her too haughty rival. Let France then, not only liften to the auguft and facred voice of equity, but also to the moit powerful of all arguments, that of her own interest, and it will coft her but few efforts to renounce the useless and destructive project, of which perhaps, after all, fhe has been unjustly fufpected.'

ART.