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spicuous, when it deigns to prosper a just and noble effort, and en. titled by it's own strength and prudence to succeed, or when it . arrests the course and proclivity of ruin: when it extricates from dangers of our own contriving, protects from our own conspiracy, and faves us from our own dagger?'

We were mis informed, when we afcribed these pamphlets to the peń of lord Auckland. Art. XXII. Letter to a Minister of State, on the Connection between

tbe political System of the French Republic, and the System of Its Revelution. Translated from the French of Mallet du Pan. 8vo. 56 pa. Price is. Longman. 1797.

This pamphlet commences with a severe censure on the cabinets of princes, who have never contemplated the force and effects of the french revolution. The government of France is considered as a disorganizing oligarchy, fortified with a prodigious increase of territory, surrounded by conquered or fubmiffive monarchs, by shaken or fubdued states, by terrified tributaries, or impotent foes.

After depicting the late triumphs of the republie in Italy, the author proceeds to consider her future projects. “The southern part of Europe subjugated, Germany dismembered, a prey moreover to intestine divisions and civil wars, in the midst of which the revolution will first place her machines, and foon after her standards, the emperor reduced by force to the necessity of abandoning his only ally, the directory will turn all their thunder against England. On that conftitution which acts as an incessant satire on the democratie extravagancies of the french conventions—on the king of a free nation-on a state more rich, more industrious, more Aourishing, than modern France-on that receptacle of so many treasures-on that power whose weight ftill serves to ballast the continent—they have resolved ro inflict a mortal blow. It is absurd to suppose that the desire of recovering a few colonies will ever inspire the french government with an idea of peace. They have devoted the Antilles to defolation-they have covered them with a crowd of desperate banditti they are less anxious to regain what they have lost, than to reduce that whole archipelago to athes.

• And on this head they play almost a sure game : for the duration of the war authorizes the establishment of the revolutionary system in the colonies, fanctions the rage of equality, and justifies the destruction of property. Peace in a few years would produce the same effect : for the colonial system of the republick continuing to Lublift after the war, they will soon have converted the illands into treams of blood, and heaps of ruin, as they have already converted St. Domingo. As well might the colonies be thrown into the sea, as abandoned to the consequences of the french revolution, on the faith of a treaty of peace.'

We are next told, that France wishes to remain at war with Great Britain; and, in order to balance our naval power, endeavours, to, exclude us from Portugal, Naples, Venice, Trieste, and the north of Germany. Mr. Burke's eighty thousand incorrigible jacobins are considered as 80,000 fervants of the directory, and the Irish

Defenderas

Defenders' are said to be nothing more than highwaymen and thieves by profeffion.'

It is allowed, however, that the dangers, which threaten Europe, are not likely to be averted by a continuation of the war. They can only be obviated, we are told, by a peace favourable to the allies; and to achieve this, the influence and even the intervention of the forces of the neutral powers is invoked.

The translator asserts in the title page, and also intimates in the preface, that this is the production of Mallet du Pan, but we do not confider it as equal to the other works avowedly written by that writer; and are inclined, on many accounts, to question the authenticity of this pamphlet, so far as his name may be involved. ART. XXIII. A Letter translated from the French of M. de Calonne

to the Author of the Confiderations upon the State of Public Affairs at the Commencement of the Year MDCCXCVIII. 8vo. 36 pages. Price is. Hatchard. 1798.

After several complements to the author of the Confiderarions, Mr. de Calonne says, it is not enough to prove, that it is the effential intereit of England, to continue the war with France, &c. but,

• You ought to fliew, in what manner the war may be continued, so as to produce advantages proportioned to the evils it inflicts; boru to manage that this necessary calamity may not become an insupportable calamity; and how the war can be carried on, without being protracted to too long a period.

• I admit moit willingly, and from conviction, that the prolongation of hostilities will multiply the maritime triumphs of' England, and extend more and more her colonial conquests, and at length completely crown the glory of her fag. I also allow that the english who have every thing to hope on the seas, have very little to fear on their own territories; and that the project of invasion, fo pompoully announced and so meanly prepared, will fail in its execution, if there was any thing more than a menace meant by it. But it is no less true that the very prolongation of the war, if it is without an end, or even without a near. period, would become more fatal than defeat ; for however great the re fources may be, a long continuance of extraordinary efforts of itself mult exhaust them; as what is always on the tretch must break in the end :

.“ Cito rumpes arcum, “ Tensum si semper habueris.” • It is this, then, that England has most to dread, and which is the most effential to prevent; and on this point I think your work defective, because (like many others) you speculate much, bue propose nothing.'

The following passage may, perhaps, prove interesting :

• At this moment, when people are lost in conjectures about the expedition for which Buonaparte embarks with a great many troops in the Mediterranean, I do not believe there is any project to bombard Naples, nor any design to extricate the spanish feet, that

they

they may fail away to Ireland : the one not agreeing with the difsimulation the french now discover, the other being an absurdity which they have never shewn; and neither the one nor the other according with the kind of preparations they have made, nos with those principles which seem to regulate their undertakings.

• I rather adopt an idea less known but more suitable to their interests, more appropriated to their fyftem, more analogous to their character, more astonishing in itself, more gigantic in its object, and therefore more likely to provoke their audacity; it is to fail to the Dardanelles, set fire to the russian ships, restore the Black sea to the turks, and penetrate together with them into Poland, there to usurp it, under pretence of delivering it from usurpers ; to make it free in appearance, in order to subdue it in reality; to republicanize that unhappy country, in order to render it contagious to all its neighbourhood, and to make it an advanced poft to reach those powers, who think themselves the most removed from their physical and moral aggressions.'

The author seems to think, that we ought once more to engage in a continental war, and expend our blood and treasure, in Tupport of allies, who before deserted us: for a peace between France, and the great powers on the continent, ' will be fatal for England, if she alone is excluded, if she has long to contend singly, against an agricultural and warlike nation, at this time amounting to thirty-three millions of inhabitants, whose young men have no other profession, inclination, or resource, than that of arms.' ART. XXIV. Thoughts on a new Coinage of Silver, more especially as

it relates to an Alteration in ihe Division of the Pound Troy. By a Banker. 8vo. 104 pages. Price 2s. 6d. Sewell. 1798.

It having been generally believed, that it is in the contemplation of overnment, to make some alteration in the present standard of the tilver coin, an idea, in some measure, contirmed by a lace a&t, the author has been at considerable trouble, both to acquire and communicate information on this subject. He forcibly deprecates every idea of an abasement of the filver coin, and, indeed, seems to think, that any alteration whatever would be attended with the most serious consequences.

In order to convey a proper notion of this subject, he first gives a brief account of the itate of the coins during some preceding reigns, and shows, that the reduction of the standard of filver, in Edward the sixth's time, occafioned an unusual and un-, certain value to be affixed to all the necessaries of life.

He next confiders the ways in which the standard may be altered, with the consequences likely to arise from a debalement of it ; and seems very properly to survey Tuch a measure as fome. what in the nature of a robbery, when done with an expectation of advantage to the king or prince ;' for ' it is evident, that the benefit he obtained muft be paid by other persons, and those other persons must be his own subjects, who are compelled to exchange their commodities according to the regulated price of filver and gold in the country; whilc foreigners, valuing your coin as bullion only, will not take it but for it's weight and qua

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lity :

lity : and thus, therefore, in the first instance, it becomes a tax upon all people who are to receive money upon former agreements, and again to all those who are indebted by former coą. tracts; as less only can be claimed than is owing, and less will be paid than is juftly due, by making a part of a guinea, or shilling, pass for a whole one, and bear the same name, though of an inferior intrinsic value

He next considers the alteration of the fandard of Gilver as operating generally on all coins ; obferves, that at this critical moment, it would be impolitic to create an unnecessary and vexa'tious cause for repining; and thinks it would be much better to lay a tax of five per cent on every species of property, than to alter the pound troy from 62 to 65 shillings.

The author estimates the whole quantity of silver coin now in the nation at about fix millions in crowns, half crowns, shillings, and sixpences.

• There last,' adds he, upon an average, are worth but 2 d., the Millings but 8 d., the half crowns only zs. 2d., and the crowns, perhaps, 4s. Sd. ;. which, to keep up the public faith, must be called in, and paid for at 6d., 12d., 30d., and God., and to a loss of 25 per cent upon the whole, or inillion fierling. Such is the statement, as far as my opportunities of experiment enable me to decide ; but be the loss two or three per cent more or less, it is plain a considerable one muit ensue; and I hardly conceive that, at this moment, we should willingly grant a sum to make this good without much animadversion; and it will be a bold meature to throw the loss upon the actual pofleffors of the 'filver at the time of passing the bill: this coin is chiefly in the hands of the middling and lower class of people ; and can we suppose, for a moment, such a severe loss must not create a ferment, or is it possible it can be otherwise ?'

It has been contended, on the other hand, that one gund object will be gained by this measure, viz. the deterring the coinage and circulation of base money; but it is here fiown, from the practice that now takes place relatire to the new copper pence, that this nefarious trade cannot be so easily suppressed. The necessity of any alteration at all might have been precluded, in our author's opinion, by the occasional issue of imall sums from the bank.

This pamphlet evinces much meritorious refearch, and feems to be the production of a man greatly attached to the present government.

Art. xxv. A Plan for redeeming Two Hundred and Thirty Millions

of the Three per Cent Funds, and for improving the Public Revenue more than Three Millions Three Hundred and Forty-two Thousand Pounds a Year, without raising any new Taxes, and without diminij ing the Income of any person. 39 pages. Price is, Hatchard. 1798.

The author begins by approving of the sale of the existing land tax, because, in the first place, it is very unequal, and in the second, because the sum of money now expended in the collection will be thus faved. He then recurs to the scheme of disposing of the crown lands, and enumerates the advantages accruing from it; after this, he insists on the difadvantages agriculture labours under from tithes, and wishes to sell them, and pay the clergy out of the interest of the purchasemoney, which is to be vested in stock for this purpose,

enumerates income

The following is a summary of his various schemes for supporting public credit, without grinding and oppreffing the subject: P. 33.

It is reckoned, that the sale of the present land-tax, when ac. complished, will take 60,000,oool. of the three per cents out of the Inarket, and will increase the public revenue 180,000l. a year.

• II. By the fale of the crown lands, as the grants happen to expire, I reckon that at least a capital of * 6,666,6661. in the three per cents will be redeemed, and that the national revenue will be augmented by at least 190,000l. a year.

• 111. By the abolition of tithes, and the consequent improvement of land, the public will indirectly get 750.000l. a year.

" IV. By selling the tithes of the church, and vesting the money in the three per cents, seventy-two millions of this stock will be taken out of the market, and the public will gain 660,000l. a year, after paying the clergy an annuity fully equivalent to what they used to receive from the tithes:

(v. By the conversion of estates held by leases under the church for twenty one years into freeholds, and vesting the money thereby raised in the three per cents, I estimate that 43,913,0431. will be thereby redeemed, and that government will moreover receive an annual profit of 817,3911. a year, after paying the clergy the full amount of what they were wont to receive from the estates.

'vi. By the conversion of estates held by leases for lives under the church into freeholds, and placing the money thereby raised in the three per cents at 50, I reckon that 37,500,000l. of such stock will be taken out of the market, and that the nation will clear 625,000l. a year by the meafure, after paying the clergy as much as they used to receive before.

VII. By the conversion of copyholds into freeholds, it appears, that both the lessor and the lessee might be benefited, and that four millions of the three per cents might be redeemed, producing to the public a revenue of 120,000l. a year.

• Upon the whole, therefore, these different plans of finance are calculated to take 230,079,7091. of the three per cents out of the market, and to advance the public revenue 3,342,3911. a year, without imposing one additional tax upon the community, or diminishing the

This calculation goes upon the fuppofition, that the sale of the crown lands, which, according to the principle laid down, ought to have raised five millions, will only raise a sum one third lets, or 3,333,3331. and that this sum is laid out in the three per cents at 50, producing an income of 200,000!. a year, from which is to be deducted the original rent of 10,000l. a year. But if the sale of the crown lands should raise the full sum of five millions, it will redeem ten millions of stock; and clear 290,ocol. a year for the public. And if the original rent of the crown lands thould be more than I have fupposed, the public advantage will be more in proporcion.' Vol. XXVIIS. M in

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