fpicuous, when it deigns to profper a juft and noble effort, and en-. titled by it's own ftrength and prudence to fucceed, or when it . arrefts the courfe and proclivity of ruin: when it extricates from dangers of our own contriving, protects from our own confpiracy, and faves us from our own dagger?'

We were mis-informed, when we afcribed thefe pamphlets to the pen of lord Auckland.

ART. XXII. Letter to a Minifter of State, on the Connection between the political Syftem of the French Republic, and the System of its Revolution. Tranflated from the French of Mallet du Pan. 8vo. 56 pa. Price 15. Longman. 1797.

This pamphlet commences with a fevere cenfure on the cabinets of princes, who have never contemplated the force and effects of the french revolution. The government of France is confidered as a diforganizing oligarchy, fortified with a prodigious increase of territory, furrounded by conquered or fubmiffive monarchs, by fhaken or fubdued ftates, by terrified tributaries, or impotent foes.

After depicting the late triumphs of the republie in Italy, the author proceeds to confider her future projects. The fouthern part of Europe fubjugated, Germany difmembered, a prey moreover to inteftine divifions and civil wars, in the midft of which the revolution will first place her machines, and foon after her standards, the emperor reduced by force to the neceflity of abandoning his only ally, the directory will turn all their thunder against England. On that conftitution which acts as an inceffant fatire on the democratie extravagancies of the french conventions-on the king of a free nation-on a ftate more rich, more induftrious, more flourishing, than modern France-on that receptacle of fo many treasures-on that power whofe weight ftill ferves to ballaft the continent-they have refolved to inflict a mortal blow. It is abfurd to fuppofe that the defire of recovering a few colonies will ever infpire the french government with an idea of peace. They have devoted the Antilles to defolation-they have covered them with a crowd of defperate bandittithey are lefs anxious to regain what they have loft, than to reduce that whole archipelago to athes.

And on this head they play almoft a fure game: for the duration of the war authorizes the eftablishment of the revolutionary fyftem in the colonies, fanctions the rage of equality, and juftifies the deftruction of property. Peace in a few years would produce the fame effect: for the colonial fyftem of the republick continuing to fubfift after the war, they will foon have converted the islands into ftreams of blood, and heaps of ruin, as they have already converted St. Domingo. As well might the colonies be thrown into the fea, as abandoned to the confequences of the french revolution, on the faith of a treaty of peace.'

We are next told, that France wishes to remain at war with Great Britain; and, in order to balance our naval power, endeavours to exclude us from Portugal, Naples, Venice, Triefte, and the north of Germany. Mr. Burke's eighty thoufand incorrigible jacobins are confidered as 80,000 fervants of the directory,' and the Irish Defenders

Defenders' are faid to be nothing more than highwaymen and thieves by profeffion.'

It is allowed, however, that the dangers, which threaten Europe, are not likely to be averted by a continuation of the war. They can only be obviated, we are told, by a peace favourable to the allies; and to achieve this, the influence and even the intervention of the forces of the neutral powers is invoked.

The tranflator afferts in the title page, and also intimates in the preface, that this is the production of Mallet du Pan, but we do not confider it as equal to the other works avowedly written by that writer; and are inclined, on many accounts, to question the authenticity of this pamphlet, fo far as his name may be involved.

ART. XXIII. A Letter tranflated from the French of M. de Calonne to the Author of the Confiderations upon the State of Public Affairs at the Commencement of the Year MDCCXCVIII. 8vo. 36 pages. Price 1s. Hatchard. 1798.

AFTER feveral complements to the author of the Confiderations,' Mr. de Calonne fays, it is not enough to prove, that it is the effential intereft of England, to continue the war with France, &c. but,

You ought to fhew, in what manner the war may be continued, fo as to produce advantages proportioned to the evils it inflicts; boy to manage that this neceffary calamity may not become an inSupportable calamity; and how the war can be carried on, without being protracted to too long a period.

I admit mot willingly, and from conviction, that the prolongation of hostilities will multiply the maritime triumphs of England, and extend more and more her colonial conquests, and at length completely crown the glory of her flag. I alfo allow that the english who have every thing to hope on the feas, have very little to fear on their own territories; and that the project of invafion, fo pompously announced and fo meanly prepared, will fail in its execution, if there was any thing more than a menace meant by it. But it is no lefs true that the very prolongation of the war, if it is without an end, or even without a near, period, would become more fatal than defeat; for however great the re fources may be, a long continuance of extraordinary efforts of itself muft exhauft them; as what is always on the stretch must

break in the end:

"Cito rumpes arcum,

"Tenfum fi femper habueris."

It is this, then, that England has moft to dread, and which is the most effential to prevent; and on this point I think your work defective, becaufe (like many others) you fpeculate much, but propofe nothing.'

The following paffage may, perhaps, prove interesting:

At this moment, when people are loft in conjectures about the expedition for which Buonaparte embarks with a great many troops in the Mediterranean, I do not believe there is any project to bombard Naples, nor any defign to extricate the fpanish fleet, that

they

they may fail away to Ireland: the one not agreeing with the dif fimulation the french now difcover, the other being an abfurdity which they have never fhewn; and neither the one nor the other according with the kind of preparations they have made, nor with thofe principles which feem to regulate their undertakings.

I rather adopt an idea lefs known but more fuitable to their interefts, more appropriated to their fyftem, more analogous to their character, more aftonishing in itfelf, more gigantic in its object, and therefore more likely to provoke their audacity; it is to fail to the Dardanelles, fet fire to the ruffian fhips, reftore the Black fea to the turks, and penetrate together with them into Poland, there to ufurp it, under pretence of delivering it from ufurpers; to make it free in appearance, in order to fubdue it in reality; to republicanize that unhappy country, in order to render it contagious to all its neighbourhood, and to make it an advanced poft to reach thofe powers, who think themselves the most removed from their phyfical and moral aggreffions.'

The author feems to think, that we ought once more to engage in a continental war, and expend our blood and treasure, in fupport of allies, who before deferted us: for a peace between France, and the great powers on the continent, will be fatal for England, if the alone is excluded, if fhe has long to contend fingly, against an agricultural and warlike nation, at this time amounting to thirty-three millions of inhabitants, whofe young men have no other profeffion, inclination, or refource, than that of arms.'

ART. XXIV. Thoughts on a new Coinage of Silver, more especially as it relates to an Alteration in the Divifion of the Pound Troy. By a Banker. 8vo. 104 pages. Price 2s. 6d. Sewell. 1798. Ir having been generally believed, that it is in the contemplation of government, to make fome alteration in the prefent standard of the filver coin, an idea, in fome measure, confirmed by a late act, the author has been at confiderable trouble, both to acquire and communicate information on this fubject. He forcibly deprecates every idea of an abasement of the filver coin, and, indeed, feems to think, that any alteration whatever would be attended with the most ferious confequences.

In order to convey a proper notion of this fubject, he firft gives a brief account of the state of the coins during fome preceding reigns, and fhows, that the reduction of the standard_of filver, in Edward the fixth's time, occafioned an unusual and uncertain value to be affixed to all the neceffaries of life.

He next confiders the ways in which the ftandard may be altered, with the confequences likely to arife from a debafement of it; and feems very properly to furvey fuch a measure as fomewhat in the nature of a robbery, when done with an expectation of advantage to the king or prince;' for it is evident, that the benefit he obtained must be paid by other perfons, and thofe other perfons must be his own fubjects, who are compelled to exchange their commodities according to the regulated price of filver and gold in the country; while foreigners, valuing your coin as bullion only, will not take it but for it's weight and qua

4

lity:

:

lity and thus, therefore, in the firft inftance, it becomes a tax upon all people who are to receive money upon former agree ments, and again to all thofe who are indebted by former contracts; as lefs only can be claimed than is owing, and lefs will be paid than is juftly due, by making a part of a guinea, or fhilling, pafs for a whole one, and bear the fame name, though of an inferior intrinfic value

He next confiders the alteration of the flandard of filver as operating generally on all coins; obferves, that at this critical moment, it would be impolitic to create an unneceffary and vexatious caufe for repining; and thinks it would be much better to lay a tax of five per cent on every fpecies of property, than to alter the pound troy from 62 to 65 fhillings.

6

The author estimates the whole quantity of filver coin now in the nation at about fix millions in crowns, half crowns, fhillings, and fixpences. Thefe laft,' adds he, upon an average, are worth but 2d., the fillings but 8 d., the half crowns only 2s. zd., and the crowns, perhaps, 4s. 8d.;.which, to keep up the pub. lic faith, must be called in, and paid for at 6d., 12d., 30d., and bod., and to a lofs of 25 per cent upon the whole, or 1 million flerling. Such is the statement, as far as my opportunities of experiment enable me to decide; but be the lofs two or three per cent more or lefs, it is plain a confiderable one must enfue; and I hardly conceive that, at this moment, we fhould willingly grant a fum to make this good without much animadverfion; and it will be a bold meature to throw the lofs upon the actual poffeffors of the filver at the time of paffing the bill: this coin is chiefly in the hands of the middling and lower clafs of people; and can we fuppofe, for a moment, fuch a fevere lofs must not create a ferment, or is it poffible it can be otherwife?'

It has been contended, on the other hand, that one gand object will be gained by this meafure, viz. the deterring the coinage and circulation of bafe money; but it is here shown, from the practice that now takes place relative to the new copper pence, that this nefarious trade cannot be fo cafily fuppreffed. The neceffity of any alteration at all might have been precluded, in our author's opinion, by the occafional issue of fniall fums from the bank.

This pamphlet evinces much meritorious refearch, and feems to be the production of a man greatly attached to the prefent go

vernment.

ART. XXV.

A Plan for redeeming Two Hundred and Thirty Millions of the Three per Cent Funds, and for improving the Public Revenut more than Three Millions Three Hundred and Forty-two Thoufand Pounds a Year, without raifing any new Taxes, and without diminishing the Income of any Perfon. 39 pages. Price 1s. Hatchard. 1798.

THE author begins by approving of the fale of the exifting land tax, because, in the first place, it is very unequal, and in the fecond, becaufe the fum of money now expended in the collection will be thus faved. He then recurs to the fcheme of difpofing of the crown lands, and

enumerates

enumerates the advantages accruing from it; after this, he infifts on the difadvantages agriculture labours under from tithes, and wifhes to fell them, and pay the clergy out of the intereft of the purchasemoney, which is to be vetted in stock for this purpofe,

The following is a fummary of his various fchemes for fupporting public credit, without grinding and oppreffing the fubject: P. 33.

1. It is reckoned, that the fale of the prefent land-tax, when accomplished, will take 66.000,00ol. of the three per cents out of the tmarket, and will increafe the public revenue 180,000l. a year.

11. By the fale of the crown lands, as the grants happen to expire, I reckon that at leaft a capital of 6,666,6661. in the three per cents will be redeemed, and that the national revenue will be augmented by at least 190,000l. a year.

111. By the abolition of tithes, and the confequent improvement of land, the public will indirectly get 750.000l. a year.

IV. By felling the tithes of the church, and vefting the money in the three per cents, feventy-two millions of this ftock will be taken out of the market, and the public will gain 660,000l. a year, after paying the clergy an annuity fully equivalent to what they used to receive from the tithes.

v. By the converfion of eftates held by leafes under the church for twenty one years into freeholds, and vefting the money thereby raifed in the three per cents, I estimate that 43,913,0431. will be thereby redeemed, and that government will moreover receive an annual profit of 817,3911. a year, after paying the clergy the full amount of what they were wont to receive from the eftates.

VI. By the converfion of eftates held by leafes for lives under the church into freeholds, and placing the money thereby raised in the three per cents at 50, I reckon that 37,500,000l. of such stock will be taken out of the market, and that the nation will clear 625,000l. a year by the meafure, after paying the clergy as much as they used to receive before.

VII. By the converfion of copyholds into freeholds, it appears, that both the leffor and the leffee might be benefited, and that four millions of the three per cents might be redeemed, producing to the public a revenue of 120,000l. a year.

Upon the whole, therefore, these different plans of finance are calculated to take 230,079,7091. of the three per cents out of the market, and to advance the public revenue 3,342,3911. a year, without impofing one additional tax upon the community, or diminishing the

• This calculation goes upon the fuppofition, that the fale of the crown lands, which, according to the principle laid down, ought to have raised five millions, will only raise a fum one third less, or 3,333,3331. and that this fum is laid out in the three per cents at 50, producing an income of 200,000l. a year, from which is to be deducted the original rent of 10,000l. a year. But if the fale of the crown lands fhould raife the full fum of five millions, it will redeem ten millions of stock, and clear 290,ocol. a year for the public. And if the original rent of the crown lands fhould be more than I have fuppofed, the public advantage will be more in proportion.'

VOL. XXVIII.

M in

income