As the extraordinary will in queftion contains a project for redeeming the national debt, this circumstance is alluded to as follows: P. 34. The late Mr. Peter Thelluffon, by way of indemnity to the community, has bequeathed to the national finking fund an eventual chance of obtaining the whole of the property that fhall happen to lie accumulated at the expiration of that long courfe of years during which the accumulating management is enjoined by his will to be carried on,-in cafe, at that period, there happens to be no living perfon iffued from thofe perfons of his family who were living at the time of his decease (july 1797); which perfons must all be dead before the accumulating management ceafes. Some of the laft-mentioned living perions were very young at the time of the teftator's deceafe; and others were juft born; and others have been fince born at fuch a diftance in point of time as to make them deemed to have been then living. But what bribe, what indemnity can be offered to the legislature, to make them confent to their own annihilation! What bribe, what indemnity can be offered to the legislature, that can make them knowingly and exprefsly give their confent to the establishment of a previously-engaged courfe of prepared difobedience, of defiance, of call for fubmiflion, and of threats put upon them; fuch call for fubmiffion being fupported by the difplay of an affociation engaged and ready to abet the call!-(See before, pages 18, 19, and aljo 10.) What bribe can induce them exprefsly to confent to the establishment of a previoufly-engaged courfe of refolution never to fhew any return on account of benents received, and of declarations of fuch refolution; that is to fay, an engaged courfe of breaches of the peace; and of threats too, by the allegation and difplay of an engagement and afiociation with ftrangers, afferted to be ready to fupport the breaches of the peace! (See before, pages 18, 19.)' We apprehend, if Mr. De L. had looked into Mr. Yorke's celebrated tract on forfeitures, he would have found much able reasoning in close analogy with the fubject under difcuffion. POLITICS. POLITICAL ECONOMY. ART. XX. A Timely Appeal to the Common Senfe of the People of Great Britain in general, and of the Inhabitants of Buckinghamhire in particular, on the prefent Situation of Affairs; avith References to the Opinions of most of the British and French Philofophers of the prefent Century. By J. Penn, Efq. Sheriff of Buckinghamfire. 8vo. 120 pages. Price 2s. 6d. Hatchard. 1798. MR. PENN, who we believe is defcended from the great quaker of the fame name, after a fhort dedication to the bishop of St. David's, and fome preliminary matter, profeffes to examine the chief objects of popular difcontent in the following order; 1. The restraints of religion and morality; 2. The unequal diftribution of wealth; 3. Inequality of rank; 4. The feverity of our penal code; 5. Difregard of the good will expreffed for us by the french; 6. Religious establishments; 7. Partial reprefentation; 8. The imperfect diffusion of knowledge; 9. Indifpofition to peace; 10. The weight of taxes; 11. The difcouragements of agriculture; 13. The diftreffes of the poor; 14. Ministerial influence; and 15. The attachment to perfons, as well as things, endeared to us both by intrinfic merit and antiquity. In refpect to religion, the author prefers Mr. Paley's plan of teaching morality by referring to feripture authority, rather than that of Mr. Hume by feparating the fanctions; and while treating of the article of jurifprudence, he wishes a broad distinction to take place, between pofitive and circumstantial proof; he at the fame time expreffes a liberal wifh, that the fentence of the law fhould always rest on demonftrative certainty.' The following paffage is entirely in favour of the prefent fyftem, and we give the extract, in order to convey the author's ideas on this fubject: P. 51. All arguments do not appear to me exhaufted in fa vour of church establishments; and as they have been fo much the butt of the enemies of government, owing to an idea of an alliance with fuperftition, I have wondered at it. If we can picture to ourfelves that horrid ftate of things, which would be exhibited by a country without religion, yet even then an order fimilar to the clergy will appear most strictly confonant to reafon, or rather to confiftent frenzy. In every country, the care of its archives, the fuperintendance of education, or the cultivation of the science of morality, and attention to its interests, are matters of peculiar moment, from their ferious nature. Objects, therefore, of this fort, even alone, having a character very different from more general ones, may naturally prompt a nation to confer feparate dignity on perfons whofe bufinefs it is to promote them. Importance rather claims diftinction than difregard; and every argument, but the more abftrufe ones drawn from theology, juftifies this mode of conferring it, upon general principles, and confiftent with the just ultimate views of the wildeit fectaries. Whoever acknowledges the importance of fuch ferious concerns, may think, efpecially in new countries, too much deference fhewn them, but must applaud the circumftance of fhewing them fame deference in the formation of a church establishment, and fee befides that one fect is intended as much to benefit from its principle as another.. There is fomething very dignified in the circumstance of perfons whose bufinefs it is to be verfed in morality, forming a part of the fenate, in order, as other members give their opinions upon the law of the land, to fhew how that is regulated by the law of God; for religion includes morality, and may be confidered as the comprehenfive moral code both of believers and unbelievers; which latter, if they had their will, would eftablish, many of them, them, too narrow and exclufive a fyftem. These perfons, in our hqufe of lords, properly obferve a decent filence upon common questions, where nothing militates against justice or religion; but in the contrary cafe, exprefs a difapprobation, which is the more emphatic, from this rare delivery of their fentiments. It is thus that the law in Britain flows purer from its fource, and its heal ing rills must be the lefs mingled with any thing noxious, because thofe who are best acquainted with the poisonous plants of vice, are pofted where they grow, to eradicate them, instead of being forbid to afcend the ftream beyond stations where a tedious procefs would fcarcely effect a purification of its tainted waters. To my affertion, that from this mode of reafoning all fects may be esteemed interested in the church establishment, it may be objected, that every fect does not enjoy the privileges it confers on our clergy. But a fimilar inference may be drawn from partial reprefentation in parliament, which I fhall next confider. The metaphyfical politician mighe form fuch an idea as this of the conftitution perfected. He might fuppofe a king, lords (including bishops) and commons, who might belong to any fect, and the latter of whom fhould be chofen according to a regular proportion of constituents and representatives. The bishops in this cafe would be partly what they are now, and partly different. They would, on the one hand, be poffeffed of that degree of ap parent power, which british priests now fafely poffefs, and which, with fingular and ftriking propriety, aims at giving effect to morality; but, on the other hand, that power would be fhared fo as to gratify the imaginations of the fanciful; which it is not now, any more than that which is enjoyed by the members of parliament. For, as I have observed, our conflitution in church and ftate is to be defended upon the fame rational principles, though a difference between them would be made by the theologian; whofe arguments, however, do not convince perfons of the church of England, and fhould be confidered feparately.' Under heads x, x1, and x11, the author endeavours to comfort us refpecting fome effential points in a well regulated go vernment: P. 89. x. Concerning the weight of taxes, the ufual and natural remark, to filence the clamour of difcontent, is, that it will not be found fuch as to prevent the rapid improvement of the country, nor to induce our manufacturers to remove their capital from it, in fuch number, as to render them at all regretted by thofe who remain behind; but that a wealthy cultivated country, like ours, which is in debt, may be more productive of comfort to its inhabitants, than a poor and barren one, which is ever fo little burdened with taxes. XI. The difcouragements of agriculture complained of, are chiefly the prefervation of old customs; fome of which are every day partially ceafing to prevail, as the wifdom of the legislature, and interefts of private perfons direct. Should any great pro grefs in agriculture be made by the enemy, there can, I think, be little doubt, that perceiving our advantage, we fhall feek it, and rival him in doing what the wild adventurous fpirit of revolution may may have fliewn practicable; nor will thofe, I dare fay, whofe interefts may feem to ftand in the way of a change, want the fpirit neceflary for it, if ever it is recommended, not by declamation, but by argument. x. Rectrictions of trade by various old laws which it is found inexpedient to repeal, but little argues an unenlightened government, adverfe to the freedom of trade. They, by no means, prevent our fuppofing thofe great talents at the head of affairs, which are naturally ambitious of the extenfion of commercial li berty, as a flattering proof, wherever it is practicable, of enlarged views and tranfcendant capacity; but permit us to rest fatisfied, that whatever can be done, is fecretly doing, to improve the condition of mankind. If we turn our attention to that nation which most encourages our declamations on liberty of trade, as a neceffary confequence of the deftruction of our ancient laws and government, we fhall find it fo far from fetting us an example of what it recommends, that to the prefent day history can furnish no inftance of commercial tyranny equal to that which it is at this moment exercifing in Europe.' In fect. xiv it is affumed as a bafis of argument, that the weight of the minifter is abfolutely neceffary. The author concludes with the following prayer: P. 119. May the author of all good infpire the natives of the british islands, whatever part of the earth they inhabit, to cease to cherish an unnatural enmity against their country; and whether religion, politics, or private pique, alienate their mind from it, to weigh well the queftion, whether they could by any other means better promote their own interefts, and employ themfelves for the improvement of fociety, than by inftantly fo far forgetting every caufe of difcontent, that the fun may in the next century, firft rife upon them, as fubjects favouring all the upright views of their rulers! May he infpire the party which is in power to preferve as temperate a conduct as is compatible with neceffary energy; to recommend opinions rather by their own truth and beneficence, than the criminality which fancy and enthufiafm undiftinguishingly attach to their difbelief; and benevolently to favour every innocent propenfity of human nature; fo that a marked progrefs may appear made by us in morality, on a comparison of this with the enfuing century! And may he crown all our patriotic endeavours with the most complete fuccefs, and perpetuate our excellent conftitution, in a perpetually improving ftate; rendering it the prefent preservation, and future fafeguard, of the world!' ART. XXI. Confiderations upon the State of public Affairs, in the Year 1798. Part the Third. The domeftic State and general Policy of Great Britain. 8vo. 105 pages. Price 25. Rivingtons. 1798. To fuch as have read our obfervations upon the first and fecond part of thefe confiderations, it is unneceffary for us to fay any thing concerning this third part, but that it is written in the fame ftyle and manner with the former two. The author of them fees every thing favourable to England in the state of Europe fince the, in our minds, unfortunate conclufion, of the negotiation at Lifle. It is curious enough to fee how he flourishes on the fubject of that tranfaction. P. 2. We have followed, with joyful and expanded hearts, our common father and our fovereign to the temple. We have offered the public vows and thanksgivings for victories granted to our, arms, for the triumphs of our flag, and the empire of our feas.Shall we return no humble act of gratitude and devotion for the rain we have efcaped and infamy we have avoided? Is there no piety, no proftration for defence and fafety, and calamities from which we have been rescued? Do we referve all our religion for the pride of fuccefs? Have we no feeling nor fenfe of deliverance? But if it were permitted to weigh, and balance, and compare the gifts and mercies of Providence, and to examine and difcufs occafions of piety and motives of thankfulness; is there any man endowed with the fenfe and feelings of a man, who could pause or hefitate between the measure and magnitude of these favours, for which we are all come at length to acknowledge our gratitude? Is there a being poffeffed of thought and reafon, who could doubt which boon is the greateft, which mercy the moft fignal and effective? or fear to pronounce which day has faved the country, the eleventh of october or the feventh of feptember; the triumph of lord Duncan, or the disappointment of lord Malmesbury; the victory of the admiral or the defeat of the ambaffador? But that illuftrious victory could not change an article in our capitulation. The king's minifters boafted of their moderation, as, they called that fit of memorable defpair in which they projected the furrender of their country! They were fill eager to fign thofe faultlefs terms, aud fubfcribe those glorious conditions. Lord Duncan reaped but unprofitable laurels. Their fhadow was not fuffered to fall upon his country. The first care of those who governed it, was to feparate themselves from his fame and difclaim the benefit of his victory.-The noble admiral could not fave his country, becaufe his country would not accept of falvation; but the noble minister brought back with him his country's fafety, because the enemy would not accept of it's ruin.-The victorious commander, and a defeated enemy, could not ferve an unwilling ftate; but the defeated minifter, and an unwilling enemy, have preferved it against it's will.-The noble admiral had every help from human means, from his own undaunted mind, from skill, from courage and perfeverance. The valour of his fleet, the justice of his caufe, the aufpices and character of the british name and arms feemed to affure, and prophecy, and confpire to fuccefs: but the noble minifter has faved his country by a defeat in which there is no human participation nor concurrence. His glory is undivided and unfhared, or fhared only with the enemy who rejected him.-We fought against ourfelves and were not conquered; we called in the enemy and he would not come; we were faved in fpite of our own cowardice; we have furvived our own treafons and defpair.-And can any one pretend to doubt where is the jufter caufe of gratitude, and the more visible interference from above? When we were preferved from the enemy by means of our own virtues, or from ourselves in fpite of our treachery and bafenefs? Whether the hand of heaven is more con fpicuous, |