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As the extraordinary will in question contains a projeat for redeeming the national debt, this circumstance is alluded to as follows:

P. 34. The late Mr. Peter Thellufon, by way of indemnity to the community, has bequeathed to the national finking fund an eventual chance of obtaining the whole of the property that shall happen to lie accumulated at the expiration of that long course of years during which the accumulating management is enjoined by his will to be carried on,-in case, at that period, there happens to be no living person issued from those persons of his family who were living at the time of his decease (july 1797); which perfons must all be dead before the accumulating management ceases. Some of the laft-mentioned living persons were very young at the time of the teftator's decease; and others were just born ; and others have been fince born at such a distance in point of time as to make them deemed to have been then living.

» But what bribe, what indemnity can be offered to the legislature, to make them consent to their own annihilation! What bribe, what indemnitv can be offered to the legislature, that can make them knowingly and expressly give their consent to the establishment of a previously engaged course of prepared disobedience, of defance, of call for fubmillion, and of threats put upon them ; such call for fubmiffon being supported by the display of an association engaged and ready to abet the call !-(See before, pages 18, 19, and aljo 10.)

• What bribe can induce them expressly to consent to the establishment of a previously-engaged course of resolution never to thew any return on account of benents received, and of declarations of such resolution; that is to say, an engaged course of breaches of the peace ; and of threats too, by the allegation and display of an engagement and aliociation with strangers, allerted to be ready to support the breaches of the peace! (See before, pages 18, 19.)'

We apprehend, if Mr. De L. had looked inio Mr. Yorke's cele. brated tract on forfeitures, he would have found much able reasoning in close analogy with the subject under discussion.

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Art. xx. A Timely Appeal to the Common Sense of tbe People of

Great Britain in general, and of the Inhabitants of Bucking bamJbire in particular, on the present Situation of Affairs; qvib Reforences to the Opinions of most of the British and French Philofo. pbers of the present Century. By J. Penn, Esq. Sheriff of Duck. ingham fire. Svo.. 120 pages. Price 25. 6d.' Hatchard. 1798.

MR. PENN, who we believe is descended from the great quakes of the same name, atier a Mort dedication to the bishop of Si. Daşid's, and some preliminary matrer, professes to examine the chiet objects of popular discontent in the following order ;

1. The reltraints of religion and morality;
2. The unequal distribution of wealth ;
g. Inequality of rank;

4. The severity of our penal code ; 5. Disregard of the good will expressed for us by the french; 6. Religious establishments ; 7. Partial representation ; 8. The imperfect diffusion of knowledge ; 9. Indisposition to peace; 10. The weight of taxes; 11. The discouragements of agriculture; 12. Restrictions of trade; 13. The distresses of the poor; 14. Minilterial influence; and

15. The attachment to persons, as well as things, endeared to us both by intrinfic merit and antiquity.

In respect to religion, the author prefers Mr. Paley's plan of teaching morality by referring to scripture authority, rather than chat of Mr. Hume by separating the sanctions; and while treating of the article of jurisprudence, he wishes a broad distinction to take place, between positive and circumftantial proof; he at the fame time expresses a liberal with, that the sentence of the law fhould always rest on demonstrative certainty.'

The following passage is entirely in favour of the present system, and we give the extract, in order to convey the author's ideas on this subject :

P. 51.- All arguments do not appear to me exhausted in fa. your of church establishments; and as they have been so much the burt of the enemies of government, owing to an idea of an alliance with superstition, I have wondered at it. If we can picture to ourselves that borrid state of things, which would be exhibited by a country without religion, yet even then an order similar to the clergy will appear most strictly consonant to reason, or rather to confiitent frenzy. In every country, the care of its archives, the superintendance of education, or the cultivation of the science of morality, and attention to its intereits, are matters of peculiar moment, from their serious nature. Objects, therefore, of this fort, even alone, having a character ' very different from more general ones, may naturally prompt a nation to confer separate dignity on persons whose bufiness it is to promote them. Importance rather claims distinction than disregard ; and every argument, but the inore abftrufe ones drawn from theology, justifies this mode of conferring it, upon general principles, and consistent with the juít ultimate views of the wildeit lectarics. Whoever acknowledges the importance of such serious concerns, may think, especially in new countries, too much deference shewn them, but muít applaud the circumstance of thewing them fome deference in the formation of a church eitablifliment, and fee besides that one fect is intended as much to benefit from its principle as another. ,

• There is something very dignified in the circumstance of persons whole buliness it is to be versed in morality, forming a part of the senate, in order, as other members give their opinions upon the law of the land, to Mew how that is regulated by the law of God; for religion includes morality, and may be considered as the comprehensive moral code both of believers and unbelievers; which latter, if they had their will, would establish, many of them, too narrow and exclufive a system. These persons, in our house of lords, properly observe a decent filence upon common questions, where nothing militates against justice or religion ; but in the contrary case, express a disapprobation, which is the more emphatic, from this rare delivery of their sentiments. It is thus that the law in Britain flows purer from its fource, and its heal. ing rills must be the less mingled with any thing noxious, because thofc who are beit acquainted with the poisonous plants of vice, are posted where they grow, to cradicate them, instead of being forbid to ascend the stream beyond ftations where a tedious process wouid scarcely effect a purification of its tainted waters.


• To my afiertion, that from this mode of reasoning all sects may be esteemed interested in the church establishment, it may be objected, that every fećt does not enjoy the privileges it coafers on our clergy. But a similar inference may be drawn from partial representation in parliament, which I thall next confider. The metaphysical politician mighe form such an idea as this of the conftitution perfe&ed. He might fuppofe a king, lords (including bithops) and commons, who might belong to any fect, and the latter of whom should be chosen according to a regular proportion of constituents and representatives. The bihops in this Cafe would be partly what they are now, and partly different, They would, on the one hand, be possessed of that degree of ap parent power, which british priests now safely poffefs, and which, with fingular and striking propriety, aims at giving effect to morality ; but, on the other hand, that power would be fared fo as to gratify the imaginations of the fanciful; which it is not now, any more than that which is enjoyed by the members of parliament. For, as I have observed, our conftitution in church and Itate is to be defended upon the fame rational principles, though a difference between them would be made by the theologian ; whose arguments, however, do not convince persons of the church of England, and should be considered separately.'

Under heads x, xi, and xil, the author endeavours to comfort us respecting fome essential points in a well regulated government :

P. 89.-'x. Concerning the weight of taxes, the usual and natural remark, to silence the clamour of discontent, is, that it will not be found such as to prevent the rapid improvement of the country, nor to induce our manufacturers to remove their capital from it, in such number, as to render them at all regretted by those who remain behind; but that a wealthy cultivated country, like ours, which is in debt, may be more productive of comfort to its inhabitants, than a poor and barren onę, which is crer so little burdened with taxes.

. xi. The discouragements of agriculture complained of, are chiefly the preservation of old customs; some of which are every day partially ceasing to prevail, as the wisdom of the legislature, and interesis of private persons direct. Should any great progress in agriculture be made by the epemy, there can, I think, be little doubt, that perceiving our advantage, we fhall seek it, and rival himn in doing what the wild adventurous spirit of revolution

may may have fliewn practicable; nor will those, I dare say, whole interests may seem to stand in the way of a change, want the spirit neceilary for it, if ever it is recommended, not by declamation, but by argumcnt.

6x11. Rectrictions of trade by various old laws which it is found inexpedient to repeal, but little argues an unenlightened government, adverse to the freedom of trade. They, by no means, prevent 'our fuppofing those great talents at the head of affairs, which are naturally ambitious of the cxtenfion of commercial li. berty, as a flattering proof, wherever it is practicable, of enlarged views and tranfcendant 'capacity, but permit us to relt satisfied, that whatever can be done, is secretly doing, to improve the condition of mankind. If we turn our attention to that nation which most encourages our declamations on liberty of trade, as a necessary consequence of the deltruction of our ancient laws and government, we fall find it fo far from setting us an example of what it recommends, that to the present day history can furnish no instance of commercial tyranny equal to that which it is at this moment exercising in Europe.' In fect. xiv it is assumed as a basis of argument,

<that the weight of the minister is absolutely necessary. The author concludes with the following prayer :

P. 119:-. May the author of all good inspire the natives of the british islands, whatever part of the earth they inhabit, to cease to cherish an unnatural enmity against their country; and whether religion, politics, or private pique, alienate their mind from it, to weigh well the question, whether they could by any other means berter promote their own interelts, and employ themselves for the improvement of society, than by instantly fo far forgetting every cause of discontent, that the fun may in the next century, first rise upon them, as fubjects favouring all the upright vielvs of their rulers ! May he inspire the party which is in power to preserve as temperate a conduct as is compatible with neceffary energy; to recommend opinions rather by their own truth and beneficence, than the criminality which fancy and enthusiasm undittinguishingly attach to their disbelief; and benevolently to favour every innocent propensity of human nature; fo that a marked progress may appear made by us in morality, on a comparison of this with the ensuing centúry! And may he crown all our patriotic endeavours with the most complete success, and perpetuate our excellent constitution, in a perpetually improving ftare; tendering it the present preservation, and future safeguard, of the world!

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ART. xxi. Confiderations upon the State of public Affairs, in the

Year 1798. Part the Third. The domefi'ic State and general Polacy of

Great Britain. 8vo. 105 pages. Price 25. Rivingtons. 1798. . To such as have read our obfervations upon the first and second part of these considerations, it is unnecessary for us to say any thing concerning this third part, but that it is written in the same style and manner with the former two. The author of them sees every thing favourable to England in the state of Europe fince the, in our minds, unfortunate conclusion, of the negotiation at Lifle. It is curious enough to see how he fourishes on the subject of that transaction.


P. 2.-' We have followed, with joyful and expanded hearts, our common father and our sovereign to the temple. We have offered the public vows and thanksgivings for victories granted to our arms, for the triumphs of our fag, and the empire of our feas.Shall we return no humble act of gratitude and devotion for the rain we have escaped and infamy we have avoided? Is there no piety, no proftration for defence and safety, and calamities from which we have been reicued? Do we reserve all our religion for the pride of success: Have we no feeling nor sense of deliverance?

• But if it were permitted to weigh, and balance, and compare the gifts and mercies of Providence, and to examine and discuss occasions of piety and motives of thankfulness; is there any man endowed with the sense and feelings of a man, who could pause or hesitate between the measure and magnitude of these favours, for which we are all come at length to acknowledge our gratitade? is there a' being pofsefled of thought and reason, who could doubt which boon is the greatest, which mercy the most signal and effective? or fear to pronounce which day has saved the country, the eleventh of october or the seventh of feptember; the triumph of lord Duncan, or the disappointment of lord Malmesbury; the victory of the admiral or the defeat of the ambassadør? But that illustrious victory could not change an article in our capitulation. The king's ministers boasted of their moderation, as they called that fit of memorable despair in which they projected the surrender of their country! They were

fill eager to sign those faultless terms, aud subscribe chose glorious conditions. Lord Duncan reaped but unprofitable laurels

. Their fhadow was not suffered to fall upon his country. The fint care of those who governed it, was to separate themselves from his fame and disclaim the benefit of his victory.--The noble admiral could not save his country, because his country would not accept of salvation; but the noble minister brought back with him his country's safety, because the enemy would not accept of it's ruin.--The victorious commander, and a defeated enemy, could not serve an unwilling state; but the defeated minister, and an unwilling enemy, have preserved it against it's will. The noble admiral had every help from human means, from his own undaunted mind, froin kill, from courage and perseverance. The valour of his feet, the justice of his caule, the auspices and character of the british name and arms seemed to afure, and prophecy, and conspire to success: but the noble minister has saved his country by a defcat in which there is no human participation nor concurrence. His glory is undivided and unshared,

shared only with the enen.y who rejected him. We fought against ourselves and were not conquered; we called in the enemy and he would noi come; we were saved in spite of our own cowardice; we have furvived our own treasons and despair.–And can any one pretend to doabt where is the juster cause of gratitude, and the more vifible interference from above? When we were preserved from the enemy by means of our own virtues, or from ourselves in spite of our treachery and bateness? Whether the hand of heaven is more con



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