cabinet. He united nations, the most discordant in their interests, by availing himself of their predominant paffions. Thefe pafiions were, in England as well as in Holland, a fpirit of independence in property, religion, and government. He alarmed the european ftates for their general fafety, and, in order to reprefs the ambition of France, taught them the fyftem of the balance of power,

Marlborough and Eugene did more. The first by manners the most conciliatory and feducing, and a temper fuperiour to all irritation, gained every foreign power with whom he treated: the latter cooperated with him in all his views: both were agreed upon a fyftem, which might be said, in some measure, to control the accidents of war by general principles. They united the financial credit of England, and of Holland, with the military force of the german empire.

It required, nevertheless, the capacity and perfeverance of William, fuftained by the utmoft efforts of thofe generals, effectually to refift the ambition of Lewis XIV, and reprefs the impulfe, which he had given to the pride and spirit of the french people. That monarch, great and venerable in the eyes of his fubjects, even in the midst of his greatest diftreffes, had taught them to confider his glory, and the very reverses of his fortune, as their own. But, the fucceeding reigns of the regent and Lewis xv added nothing either to the glory or the folidity of the french monarchy. The magnificence and diffipation of the court, though they ferved to amufe the nation, yet left it, in reality, only the empty diftinction of prefiding over the fashions of Europe; while rival and inferiour ftates acquired wealth, importance, and fame.

The revolution in America, which the french court had imprudently favoured, by reaction ftruck the crown from the head of Lewis xvI. A thousand caufes confpired to overthrow the monarchy. The doctrine of reprefentation and taxation became fashionable in France. After the ineffectual convocation of the ftates general, the conftituent and legiflative affemblies followed. The affignats were ftruck, and the throne was, at once, divefted of the two great powers, that had fuftained it for ages: the right of coining, collecting, and difpofing of the money of the ftate; and the faculty, which the court poffeffed, of directing, through the medium of the fashion, and tone the national character. These refpective prerogatives conftitute the reins, by which every government is able to rule or reftrain the people.. If these curbs are broken, or put into other hands, a revolution neceffarily follows. In France, more than in any other country of Europe, it may be afferted, that public opinion has always fupported, and, in fome measure, conftituted the very etlence of government. Even in articles of decoration and tatte, fashion affumes the character of rage, and almoft of madness. When this rage, converted into a new channel by the diffufion of commerce and knowledge, had feized the whole body of the people in pursuit of liberty, it's violence knew no bounds, and it became literally madnefs. To fuch at tacks of moral and political phrenzy, their greateít hiftorians have remarked, that the french have been fubject, in different periods of time.

See particularly the hiftory of France, by Mr. Wraxall, which relates the great political events in the order of caufe and effect, and delineates, throughout, the genius, fpirit, and character of the french nation. This work, to which we readily acknowledge great obligations, is replete with inftruction, at all times curious anu important; but in the prefent peculiarly interefting and seasonable.

There

There was one reftraint capable of moderating it's fury: but that refrain had been furrendered or ufurped, when the conftituent affembly created paper money hypothecated on plunder, inftead of conftitutional taxation. The convulfions, which fucceeded to this event in France, were, in fact, only the violence of one faction labouring to undermine another, in order to gain the command of the new treafury, the public patronage,

and the state.

The leaders of the revolution being thus in poffeffion of the public mind, fupported by the whole fource of public refource, the national character burft forth in all it's impetuofity, and could no longer be reftrained within any fober limits. The people of Switzerland, of Holland, of England, and America, who had fucceffively emancipated themfelves from the yoke of their refpective governments, were fatisfied with the acquifition of independence for themfelves. The french demanded it for the world; and, in their enthusiasm, called out for a conftitution more free than that of England, more pure, and bearing a nearer refemblance to that of ancient Rome. This idea, originating in national vanity, and encouraged by deep and defigning men, opened the way to the fubfequent conquefts of the revolution. There was only one fyftem, by which the revolution could have been moderated, and reftrained. Unfortunately, the reverfe of that fyftem was followed by the french ariftocracy, and their allies among foreign nations.

It was evident to thofe who had ftudied the character of the french nation, that their ardour in the pursuit of freedom would far exceed that of any people, who had preceded them in the fame career. But, there was likewife mixed with much violence, a generous fenfibility, which might have been easily awakened to fome portion of their ancient regard to their monarchs, their nobles, and even their clergy. Had the revolution, therefore, been left to it's firft explofion, the enormities of it's authors would have fhocked the people; the rights of property would have re-affumed their influence; the general protection afforded by a limited monarchy would have dictated the establishment of that form of government, in preference to any other; and the crown would have refted on the fureft bafis: the affection and confidence of the nation. But it's weak or infatuated adherents, undertook to restore it, independently of public fpirit: independently of the rights, will, or prejudices of the people. In the profecution of these attempts, the ariftocracy and their foreign allies gave every advantage to the jacobins. The royalifts would liften to no reason, to no compromife. They firft abandoned the king and the kingdom, at the moment when they should have remained at home, in order to form an union for refifting or managing the ftorm; and they next called in to their aid, foreign invafion; which turned the whole tide of affairs in favour of their adverfaries.

The european powers, who coalefced for their fupport, fell, if poffible, into ftill greater errours. By planning the difmemberment of France, they extended her limits. By projects to ftarve the french people, they improved the general cultivation of the land; by proclaiming and infulting her ftate of bankruptcy, they forced her to find finance: till, at length, lefs by the abilities of her rulers, than from the errours of her opponents, France arofe into a victorious republic, the terrour of Germany and of Italy; no longer content with her ancient limits, and affuming, for boundaries, the Alps and the Rhine. The policy which had actuated the directors of the revolution, previously to what is de nominated

nominated the third year of the republic, was various, and fometimes contradictory. But, in no moment did it forget to adapt itself to the predominant difpofition, or paffion of the people. Their first object, after perfuading the mafs of the french nation, that they were henceforth to enjoy the fowereignty, was, carefully to demolish every link, every title, and every trace of the former fovereignty. They next contrived to effect, through the new finance of the affignats, a complete tranfmutation of the property of the ftate. It was made the intereft of the inferiour orders, to exclude, for ever, the court, the charch, and the nobility, from their ancient poffeffions. All the lands were parcelled out and fold for affignats, on these having been fabricated and iffued to thousands of individuals, who previously poffelfed not any property; but who, as foldiers, or as labourers, could cafily acquire that kind of money.

The great body of the people were induced, without difficulty, to become the cultivators of their own ground, or to bear arms in the field for their country. Until the ruling factions at Paris began alternately to maffacre each other, the nation beheld the tumult of that metropolis with indifference, while they ftedfaftly pursued the two great objects of perfonal property and public preeminence: thus the /genius, the difpofition, and the energy of the french nation, were on the whole, engaged in fupport of the revolution. If any thing could have opened the eyes of the emigrants and the combined powers, who ftill fondly hoped, that the general voice would welcome an invasion, and favour a counter-revolution, it was the circumftance, that all the feparate projects of the revolutionary leaders were always turned against themfelves, when they attempted to convert the general fpirit to their own perfonal or political purposes. The revolution, once begun, became ftronger than either it's authors or it's leaders, both of whom were fucceffively carried on by it's impulfe, and could no longer obftruct it's career. Neither the foldiers who had been fuccefsful in battle, nor the citizens who participated in the multiplied adminiftrations, could be feduced in a body from their new attachments. It was therefore abfurd to expect either that the revolution could be fuddenly reversed, or that the monarchy could be restored to it's antient state by any schemes of counter-revolution, fince all the materials of which it had been compofed were either difperfed or confumed.

The directory, fenfible of thefe facts, in proportion as their power became confolidated, adopted a policy more fyftematic and profound. Then it was, that the new government of France unveiled the policy of the roman commonwealth, and refolved, as a fixed principle, to fecure their power, by an invariable endeavour to effect it's increase. The ftrength of the roman republic had arifen from the original purity and gradual improvement of it's political inftitu tions. It's power was conftantly increased even by reverfes of for. tune: nor can it be faid to have been wholly overthrown till feveral ages after it had fubdued or overrun the world. The power of the french republic, on the contrary, arofe from the abuses, or the weaknefs of the government that had preceded it; fpread with the corruptions of the age in which it originated; and acquired strength from the general fituation of affairs, and the mistaken policy of furround

ing nations. But at the fame time it is not to be denied, that whatever the contrast between the most ancient romans and modern french, the revolution had compelled the latter to exercife the virtues that flow from a ftate of poverty and war: at the fame time that they derived from the deftruction of all property, and all perfonal diftinctions, certain advantages over their more opulent neighbours. The great body of the people had become foldiers, cultivators of the foil, or magiftrates: but while they acted alternately in each of these capacities, and the fureft road to either fortune or fame was that of military diftinction, great and various talents were brought into the public fervice. Hence the revolutionary war of France has produced fo many diftinguished generals, and an army fo highly difciplined, and in all refpects fo much fuperiour to thofe formed on the ancient tactics. It is by the application of a national force fo conftituted, that the directory have refolved to feek through new paths the fortune and the renown of ancient Rome. With the fame view they have arrogated the title of the great nation; the fovereign republic, one and indivifible,' and declared it treason to treat with any power, that should propofe a restoration of any country or poffeffion once integrated with the republic. Having conftituted a revolutionary power, they next formed the project of encircling France with new and dependent commonwealths: meaning thereby, not only to fecure the authority they have already acquired, but by fully occupying the turbulent genius of the nation, to establish univerfal dominion on universal revolution. Let the cabinets of Europe beware how they confider these projects as impracticable! Let them reflect on that policy, which has produced, and organized, and now governs the dependent republics of Holland, of Switzerland, and Italy. Plans for effecting a fimilar revolution in Ireland are happily laid open. Embryo republics of the Elbe, of Poland, of Hungary, of Greece, and of Gallicia, are darkly and fecretly in machination. That this political machinery of the directory is, in every refpect, fimilar to that of ancient Rome, every one knows who has either read the Roman Hiftory, or the political and philofophical comments thereon, of Machiavel, Montefquieu, or Fergufon. They took care never to have more than one enemy on their hand, at a time. They began their operations with learning the characters of the chiefs, and the fate of parties, and fomenting divifions. They excited diffenfions and distractions in the nation they meant to invade, and efpoufed the caufe of one party, in whofe name they exercifed themselves the fovereign power, much in the fame manner that our Eaft India company have acquired and fupported their government in India. The directory, like the romans, make war, not as enemies, but as friends and protectors. Like the romans they affect to govern diftant countries by influence and management, without feizing on them immediately and openly as poffeffions. Like the fenate, too, the directory and the councils avow open and eternal war against one rival, while they affect to offer peace and amity to other nations. They have marked out their Carthage, the deftruction of which they affirm to be neceffary for the freedom of the ocean, and the peace of the world. Even in fpite of their recent difafters, in their late

MESSAGE

MESSAGE OF THE FIFTH OF SEPTEMBER TO THE COUNCIL OF FIVE HUNDRED,

They declare, that the powers to whom they are offering peace will find, if they reject it, that they exit only by the condescension of the directory.' They do not even affect to conceal, that the great object of thefe generous offers of partial peace to other nations is, decidedly, to ftrike at the cabinet of London, by fea, in India, and in the very heart of their island.' The meffage, in which this infolent language was held, demanded an augmentation of the fupplies of the year, and a new levy of troops: and 200,000 men, and 125 millions were immediately voted. So much for the rife and progrefs of the enormous power and ambition of the prefent rulers of France. In our next number we shall offer fome confiderations on the vanity and folly of the attempts, that have hitherto been made, in order to reduce that power, and moderate that ambition; and a brief inquiry into the means that may yet remain for compofing the paffions of the french nation, by turning their natural genius and difpofition into the happieft, as well as nobleft channels, and reftoring peace and concord to France and to Europe.

We have juft feen the effects of our naval victories on the french government. The nation at large, however, are known to figh for peace; and it remains to be proved by time, whether the wishes and the interefts of the french people will ultimately prevail over the ambition and felfith views of the directory and public functionaries, or whether that ambition and thefe views will be able ftill to command the refources and direct the force of the nation. We have not yet been informed of the effects of admiral Nelfon's victory on

SPAIN AND PORTUGAL:

The latter kingdom will, no doubt, be confirmed in her open, and the former in her fecret attachment to Great Britain.

ITALY.

The court of Naples, in habits of intimacy, as well as the bonds of confanguinity, with that of Vienna, fhows the most decided and open joy and congratulation, on the fuccefs and predominancy of the english power in the Mediterrancan; the joy of the other italian ftates, though concealed, will, probably, be little lefs fincere.

GERMANY.

The victory at Alexandria has produced fome happy effects, and will, probably, produce more on the council at Raftadt.

TURKEY.

Though we participate in the general joy at the fuccefs of our arms, and the check that has been given to the ambitious career of our enemies, we acknowledge a degree of fympathy and concern for the perfonal fituation of BUONAPARTE, certainly a fublime genius; and who has given repeated indications of a fpirit of moderation, juftice, and political wifdom, that feemed to deftine him for the leader and chief of the french nation, against the continued ufurpations of