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the operations of finance and the demands of luxury: all these have been overthrown in the conquered countries, and the mass of the people with indifference, at least, often with satisfaction, have witnessed their fall. And who are they that have succeeded them? Persons whole existence is in the hands of the republic, and who have every interest in the continuance of it's protection! Hence it is, that we hear of no popular commotions in Flanders, in the provinces of the Rhine, in Switzerland, or Italy. In feudal and religious times, in times of greater purity of manners, this would not have been the case: a chilling selfishness pervades, in the present time, all ranks, from the court to the cottage!

A plan of ambition so deeply founded in principles, as that of France, is not to be resisted but by another system founded as deeply in principles. As selfishness is the great cause of the present evils, so let us have récourse to selfishness also, or rather to a reasonable felf-love, for the cure!

Our bane and antidote are both before us !' By maintaining the cause of private property, public credit, and the rights of nations, let us turn the artillery of the anarchists on themselves, and fight them with their own weapons.

We have used our beit exertions to illustrate and recommend the only basis, on which an union might be formed to disconcert the plans of the Directory. We are led to believe, from what we read daily in the speeches of some of the members of the council of five hundred, that a party is forming on that basis in the heart of France: a party of moderate, prudent, and just men, whose aim it is to conned the liberty and property of the people, with a fyftem of legal taxation, and the independence of their representatives. We fee with pleasure the patriotic meetings of

AMERICA espousing the cause of nations, and making that cause the subjeết of their public toasts. We would fain indulge a hope; that our own government will see the advantage and glory of making that cause, and not acquisition and monopoly, the declared object and end of the present war. This hope is not founded on any wisdom in our prefent administration, who seem to have no other system than that of fighting at all adventures, as long as they are able to squeeze the other million out of the people, as don Sangrado found a specific for all diseases in letting blood; but in a necessity that muft soon become palpable to the whole nation. If our prefent rulers, whatever happen, must always be ministers, they will, however, yield to the bent of public opinion and public fpirit.

SPAIN

has had leisure to refled, and wants only to see the adoption of a proper concert among the independent powers, to act a proper part for it's own and the general security:

Holland is not unsimilarly situated.

ITALY

hangs in suspense on the events of war in the Mediterranean.

GERMAN EMPIRE. The great rival states which compose this empire, as well as the inferiour and dependent branches, have exhibited, in their negotiations

at

at Rastadt, all the symptoms of an incapacity to refift the power and artifice of a republic such as that we have just delineated. Their best security is the temporary convenience of the Rhine as a boundary to the new republic, while she is carrying on her projects againit Italy, India, and, in due time, though the may judge it politic to temporize for a while and make fair pretences and profefions, against the sublime Porte*.

In this security the northern states of Germany will seek the safety of the day. And unless proper address be used to form a general union, on a ground from which no sovereign or minifter would venture publicly to withhold his support and contingent, the french agents at Rastadt, by working on reciprocal intereits and jealoufies, will fap the foundation of every state in the empire.

There is not a minister in Germany, however timid, or improperly influenced, who would publicly dare to advise his court to withhold his participation or contingent from the general defence of the common cause of property, and the constitutional rights of nations. Were it therefore poffible for a conclufum to be drawn up and espoused in this spirit, the envoys of the revolutionary republic would suddenly discover the inefficacy of their intrigues. The directory would soon be forced, either to throw off the mask of republicarism, or to revert to a system of moderation, and of proper dependence on their constituents; who, in return, would be obliged to yield to the real wishes of the great majority of the french nation, who figh for an honourable and general peace.

On the adoption of such a plan, the states of the german empire would only have to make their appeal to the justice of the french gation; and, to represent, that, failing of that justice, they had concerted their common security with the other independent states of both Europe and America: all of whom had entered into a general confederacy for the protection of property and the rights of nations; and who unanimously wished the french 'nation to realize the security of their own property and national independence within the best and most convenient?limits.

Auftria has now to regret, in the difficulties which Prusia opposes. to a proper union for the general defence, the fatal policy of Cathafine the great, which raised every obstacle against the original union established for great and wise purposes by Leopold with the court of Berlin.

Pruffia, in certain events, may become the dupe of her own caution. The real hatred and designs of the directory are pointed against England, and to the separation of the british government from it's intercourse with the north of Germany. The french have fortified Dusseldorf, and are in force towards the north, where they may be supported by the co-operation of Holland. Troubles will be created to Prussia in her polish acquisitions, and it will not always be convenient for her to keep a very large army on her western frontier. The habits, which produced the treaty of Campo Formio, may revert to other arrangements, and moments may be seized when the direc

* It is probable, that the french have promised homage to the Porte, and a coercion of the beys in Egypt. 8

tory

tory would find it their more immediate interest to ftrike at the north of Germany, and trust to the labours of Sieyes with the professors of Brandenburg.

Silesia, in such an event, might again be left as a temptation, like Venice, to some imperial politician. In such a mixture of pofible events, a wise court would seek it's own in the general interests and security of nations.

NORTHERN POWERS. Russia appears to be perfectly awake to the rapid progress of the revolutionary system, and will, no doubt, espouse with vigour any general and solid plan for opposing it. An able minister on the part of England, at Conftantinople, would, no doubt, avail himself of the invasion of Egypt, the rebellion of Passowan Oglou, and the revolutionary spirit excited in the Morea, to show to the Porte, as well as to Rufia, the necessity of an alliance under the reciprocal guarantee of the emperour of Germany and Great Britain. Ruffia and Sweden might, perhaps, be brought to accede. And the combined fleets of England, Rusia, and the Porte, might give countenance and support to the oppressed states of Italy.

But such combinations are not to be produced but by fome animate ing soul of the forit order of human beings, unfortunately not to be found at present, for aught that yet appears, on any of the thrones, or in any of the cabinets of Europe ! while the great talents, produced by such a republic as France, raise from their concentrated councils a new and stupendous fabric on the ruins of the old governments.

GREAT-BRITAIN AND IRELAND Have now before them, in the confusions of the latter, a complete mirrour of the folly of aristocratical and legislative party spirit. The season is over when this fpirit might range, as heretofore, in disputes about the loaves and fishes. Those parties have effe&ually fucceeded in Ireland, in leffening the respect which should be always maintained among the people for their rulers. But it is to be hoped, from the vigour and temper, which have been lately displayed in the adminiftration of irish affairs, that the enemy will discover a miscalculation in his plans, and that while he is disturbing his neighbours, he will find cause to reflect on the re-action of his proceedings againit his own don;estic tyranny. The menaces of the directory have. armed the people. Every purse is open, and every arm stretched out for the national security. While we have cause to deplore and to bluth for the weakness of government, if not in precipitating us into a war, yet certainly in neglecting the proper occafions and means of bringing it to an end, we have equal cause of triumph in the spirit and patriotisin of the nation.

The rebellion in Ireland, and the negotiations of the leaders of that rebellion with the revolutionary enemy of Europe, must convince the real proprietors in Ireland, of the indispen able neceflity of an union between England and Ireland, like that which has con. tributed to the prosperity of England and Scotland. It is to fo falutary, beneficeni, and noble a purpose, that an able ministry, like that of queen Anne, would turn the knowledge acquired in the troubles of an expensive and ruinous war.

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