We have been more copious than ufual, in our account of this little pamphlet, because it is eloquently written, and is confidered as an able production.

-ART. XXX. A rapid View of the Overthrow of Switzerland. Tranf lated from the French. 8vo. 103 pages. Price 2s. 6d. Hatehard. 1798.

THE tranflator of the preceding article, who tells us in the preface that he is a fwifs,' obferves at the fame time, that his eyes were often bedewed with tears, and forrow preyed upon his heart, whilst he performed this painful, but (he believes) ufeful talk.'

His utmost ambition will be gratified,' he adds, if his tranflation is judged to be not an inanimate and imperfect copy of it's eloquent original; and if it infpires the english reader with thofe mingled fentiments of bitter indignation, and deep regret, which it hath excited

in his breaft.'

We have looked over this little pamphlet, and think that it exhibits no fmall degree of attainment in respect to our language.

ART. XXXI. The Tocfin; or an Appeal to Good Senfe. By the Rev. L. Dutens, Hiftoriographer to his Majefty, Rector of EHdon, Northumberland, and F. R. s. Tranflated from the French, by the Rev. Thomas Falconer. 8vo. 59 pages. Price is. 6d. Cadell and Davies. 1798.

THIS Tocfin has been already rung at Rome, Paris, and Turin, as we learn from the preface, without producing any confiderable effect. The author is full of zeal against those who may differ from him, either in refpect to government, or religion; and he endeavours to overturn the credit of Voltaire and Rouffeau, by abufing their conduct, rather than controverting their opinions. ́

ART. XXXII. A Charge delivered to the Clergy of the Diocefe of Landaff in June 1798, by R. Watfon, D. D. F. R. S. Bishop of LanFaulder. 1798. daff. 8vo. 34 pages. Price is.

THIS is a political charge, and as fuch only ought to be confidered. The bishop himself, indeed; feems to contemplate it in this point of view, for he obferves in the advertisement prefixed by way of preface, that it is, in fome refpects, a fupplement to his late address to the people of Great-Britain, though it was not written with any view to publication.'

After remarking how inconfiftent it would have been with the duty he owes to his clergy, and to his diocefe, to defert them both in this time of general apprehenfion and impending danger, he tells his reverend brethren,' that he has hitherto declined to interfere with their opinions refpecting public affairs. He, unquestionably, has alfo his own political principles, and how unfashionable foever they may have become,' he adds, I have never fcrupled, and never Thall fcruple, to confefs that thofe on which the Revolution was founded, and the prefent reigning family feated on the throne of thefe kingdoms, are, in my judgment, principles best calculated to pro

te&t

tect the liberty and property of the fubject, and to fecure the honour and happiness of the fovereign.'

He, however, allows every man to use the fame freedom of thinking and judging for himself, which he has ufed through life; he feels no diflike to any one for thinking differently from him, or has he any propenfity to profelyte others to his fentiments. Indeed, all prejudices and predilections with refpect to particular men, and all petty differences of political opinions, ought no longer to be mentioned: for the question is not now, as it has ufually been, whether this or that man fhall be the minifter of the crown; but whether we fhall have a government to be adminiftered?-Not, whether the minifters or their opponents are the wifeft and moft difinterested ftatesmen; but whether both parties are not infinitely wifer, and more difinterested, and fitter to ferve the country, than the selferected committee of England, affociated with a french directory?— The question is not now, as it was in the rebellions of fifteen and forty-five, whether we shall have a monarch of the houfe of Brunfwick, or of the house of Stuart; but whether we shall have any monarch at all?-The queftion is not now, as it was in the great rebellion, whether the church of England fhall be governed by prefbyters, or by bishops; but whether we fhall any longer have a church of any kind?'

The bifhop next claffes the opinions of the people with respect to the conftitution of Great Britain, under three distinct heads:

1. That of thofe who think every thing fo well arranged, that nothing can be altered for the better;

2. That of those who are apprehenfive, that without a reform of parliament the government of the country will be infenfibly changed from a limited to an abfolute monarchy; and,

3. That of thofe who imagine the conftitution fo vitiated by corruption, that it cannot be amended, and that it ought to be changed into a republic.

He obferves, that both the first and the last of thefe opinions are oppofite to his fentiments; and he even prefers the constitution with all it's real, or imaginary defects, to any republic that ever was eftablished, either in ancient or modern times. Notwithstanding this acknowledged preference, he allows that fome things might be altered for the better, both in church and state.' He, however, has not yet feen any plan of parliamentary reform, produced either by the minifter or by his opponents, which, in his judgment, went to the root of the malady; and unlefs the reform reaches the root of the evil, the difeafe will be more tolerable than the remedy.'

Bish. W. next laments, that men do not poffefs clear ideas refpecting parliamentary reform, which he diftinguishes from a reform of the reprefentation.

Though the right of fuffrage,' fays he, fhould be granted, not merely to a few denizens, as was done at Athens, Sparta, and Rome, to the exclufion of nineteen twentieths of the whole inhabitants; not merely to about three-fourths of the whole people, as is now done in America; but though this right thould be made uniwerfal, and the elective franchife thould be extended as far as the wildest imagination can defire, and much farther than any political

experience

experience can juftify, yet the perfons elected would ftill be liable to corruption. On the other hand, if the number of electors were ten times as fmall as it is at prefent, yet might the perfons elected become, from an high fenfe of honourable reputation, and public duty, fuperior to corruption. Nothing is wanted but a parliament, in which every individual would decide on the concerns of the nation with as much impartiality and information, as a juror decides. in a court of justice, on the concerns of his neighbour; and this impartiality, this integrity of judgment, has a clofer connexion with other principles, as its caufe, than with a reform in the representation. And of all the caufes conducive to this end, which might be mentioned, I know of none more operative, than a conviction, that public conduct is not a matter of party, but of duty: religious principles, when properly improved, can alone refift more powerfully than they feem to do at prefent, or than they have ever done, in our own or in other countries, the attacks of individual avarice and ambition.

But though a better plan of parliamentary reform could be brought forward than any which I have hitherto heard of, yet must I be of opinion, that no plan ought to be attempted, or adopted, in the prefent crifis of the fate of the nation. When the contagion of french principles fhall have been corrected by an experience of the mischief attending them; when the audacity of french ambition fhall have been checked by the courage of this country, when peace fhall be rettored, and Europe fhall be tranquillized; then, perhaps, but certainly not till then, ought the question of reform to be agitated by the legislature of the kingdom. I fay by the legislature of the kingdom,-for, whenever it fhall be difcuffed, I hope it will be weighed with impartial and comprehenfive wisdom, by thofe who are capable of difcerning its utility or inexpediency, and not decided by clamorous meetings of ill-informed or ill-defigning men.'

After inveighing against french liberty, and equality,' and exhibiting a horrid picture of the fituation of a conquered country, the bishop requels his clergy, among other methods of reproof, to make ufe of the terrours of the Lord.'

In regard to the grand object of the bishop, which feems to be a refiftance to a foreign yoke, all men are agreed; it is only in refpect to the means he propofes, that there can be any difference of opinion. On many cccafions, both his facts and arguments, in this point of view, are very queftionable. Under the term french equality," he feems to infinuate a community of property but does this actually prevail in Erance? Or has it ever exited there? From one paffage, refpecting the union of the fexes, the uninformed may be led to fuppofe, that the ceremony of marriage has not only been altered, but has actually ceased; and from another t, it would feem, that the improvement of the morals of the people by religion' could not be accomplished, independently of an established church, and a clergy, ftipendiaries of the ftate

* See page 22.

+ Ibid.

VOL. XXVIII.

Y

De

Do the french actually ftrip the poorest of every thing they poffefs; plunder their cottages, and fet them on fire when the plunder is exhausted; torture the owners to difcover their wealth, &c.?'

We apprehend, that this mention of torture favours fomewhat of. exaggeration, and while it is our duty to defend our country from the inroad of an enemy, we conceive it to be fomething like a pious fraud, a charge from which we would wish to exempt this learned prelate, to accufe them of imaginary crimes.

On the fubject of parliamentary reform,' the bishop has at length fpoken out; he fees the evil, but wishes to defer the remedy. This is a very convenient mode of reafoning, in which, however, his lordship has been long fince anticipated by every candidate for preferment in the houfe of commons, and even by the most thoroughpaced fupporters of the prerogative.

ART. XXXIII. Interesting Suggestions to Proprietors and Trußees of Eftates, refpecting the Land-Tax Sale and Redemption Aa. By Simeon Pope. The third and improved Edition. Svo. 28 pages. Richardfons. 1798.

MR. Pope is aftonifhed at the torpor with which this bill is viewed, and thinks, that it moft proceed from the want of due publicity. In order to obviate this, he takes a furvey of the act, and exhibits a concife account of the advantageous fituation,' in which every land proprietor is placed under it.

P. 4. ft.' Says he, every poffeffor of eftates hath a right, in preference to all others, to redeem the land-tax charged thereon, by transferring ftocks, (the quality and amount of which fhall be hereafter noticed) to the commiffioners for the reduction of the national debt. The act, indeed, holds out various advantages to different descriptions of proprietors of land; but let it fuffice for the prefent to obferve, that it is moft decidedly beneficial to the actual poffeffors of estates.

zdly. The terms of fuch redemption to land proprietors are ten per cent. below those by which third perfons (as they are termed in the act) can purchafe land tax.

3dly. The time allowed to proprietors of eftates for the performance of their contract to redeem their land tax, is FOUR years-whereas purchafers are allowed but one.

4thly. Land poffeffors, on depofiting an inftalment of one fix teenth part only of their redemption contract, have their eftate henceforth wholly FREED and EXONERATED from the land tax charged thereon, and from all further affement thereof, (vide act, p. 569); whereas, if fuch proprietors neglect to redeem, and fuffer third men to purchase, in this cafe their eftate becomes neither exonerated from land. tax, nor freed from future affeffment, but liable to a furcharge, Nevertheless, it fhould be here noted, that the redeemer has the option of becoming entitled to every privilege of a purchafer, and continue to be affeffed, with a view to take advantage of any future abatement.

From this prominent fituation of preference and fuperior advantage to induce proprietors of eftates to redeem their land tax, let us now fhortly advert to the terms of effecting it.—This (as the act states, page 565), "hall be by the transfer to the aforefaid commiffioners of fo much capital ftock of public annuities, commonly called the three

pounds

pounds per centum confolidated annuities, and three pounds per centum reduced annuities, as will yield an annuity or dividend exceed ing the amount of the land tax fo to be redeemed by one tenth part thereof."

For inftance-fuppofe you wish to redeem 201. land tax-to effect this you muft transfer fuch a fum of the three per cents. as will produce 221. intereft thereon, the additional two pounds being the one tenth, exceeding (as above required by the act) the land tax fum of twenty pounds. Now, of the capital ftock, this would demand the fum of 7331. 6s. 8d. ; but the prefent price of the confols and reduced (taking both without the dividend) being but about 481. 10s. * will of courfe require only the fum of 3551. 135. 4d. wherewith to purchase fufficient of the three per cent. ftocks for redeeming zol. land tax; which every intelligent reader must perceive is equal to the liquidation of a debt of 400l. and, confequently, a faving of eleven per cent. to fuch land redeemer.'

Some inaccuracies are neceffarily apparent in this and every other work of a fimilar kind, as the calculations depend often on the price of ftocks. In the foregoing quotation, the confls are estimated at 481. 10s. without the dividend; fince that period they have increased in price, and are of courfe liable to continual fluctuations.

This pamphlet is worthy the attention of fuch proprietors as are both able and willing to redeem the land tax.

ART. XXXIV. An Alarm to Landholders; or the Confequences of the Bill for the Redemption of the Land Tax. By Sir John Sinclair, Bart. Prefident of the Board of Agriculture; as delivered in the House of Commons. Containing in Subftance, all the Arguments which have been urged by Lord Sheffield, Mr. Sheridan, Sir Francis Burdett, and other Gentlemen, against the Measure. 8vo. 54 pages. Price is. Vernor and Hood. 1798.

THE objections of fir John Sinclair to the land-tax redemption bill were two-fold, he being hoftile both to the mode, and the principle: in fhort, he confidered it to be at least as exceptionable as any meafure, that, to the best of his recollection, was ever fuggefted either by the prefent, or by any former minifter.

He anticipated, among a variety of other evils likely to enfue, tha, arifing from litigation, as the land tax is fometimes to be a real estatet fometimes a perfonal eftate, and fometimes to be converted from a real to a perfonal eftate. This, he faid, would much benefit the profeffion, as we may trace in it the foundation of at least ten thoufand law fuits, one in each parish being a very moderate calculation: and thus, adds he, no inconfiderable share of the remnant free pro. perty, which the landed intereft will be fuffered to retain in their poffeffion, will be abforbed.'

The next animadverfion is of a financial nature; and here he quotes the opinion of fir R. Walpole, and afferts exprefsly in his words, that the best judges, the trueft patriots in all countries, have been of

...Vide Tables of Rate of Redemption and Purchafe, correfponding with the different Prices of Stock, p. 28,'

Yz

opinion,