mand that passage of the Indus which Alexander had chosen for his bridge of boats. But as all the accounts agree in placing the scene of Alexander's campaign before crossing the Indus in the country to the north of the Kophes, or Kabul river, it appears quite certain that neither Aornos itself nor the bridge of boats could have been in the neighbourhood of Attak. For these reasons I conclude that the ruined castle of Raja Hodi cannot possibly be identified with the Aornos of Alexander. Indeed, its name alone seems sufficient to forbid the identification, as the people are unanimous in calling it Raja Hodi-da-garhi, or Hodigarhi, an appellation which has not even one syllable in common with Aornos. After a careful consideration of all the points that have been just discussed, I am satisfied that we must look for Aornos in the direction of the hills somewhere in the north-east corner of the Yusufzai plain. It is there that the people still seek for refuge on the approach of an invader; it is there only that we can expect to find a hill fort that will tally even approximately with the exaggerated descriptions of Alexander's historians, and it is there also that we ought to look for Aornos, according to the almost unanimous opinion of all those who have studied the subject. The accounts of Alexander's historians are often vague and sometimes conflicting, but we are generally able to correct or explain the statements of one by those of the others. Where they agree, we can follow them with confidence, as it may be presumed that the original authors from whom they copied were not at variance. The last is fortunately the case with their accounts of Alexander's movements shortly before his approach to Aornos. According to Arrian, immediately after crossing the Guræus river Alexander marched straight to Massaga, the capital of the Assakeni, and after its capture he dispatched Koinos against Bazaria. Curtius calls the river Choes, and makes Koinos proceed straight to Bazaria, whilst Alexander advanced against Mazaga. Arrian then states that as Bazaria still held out, the king determined to march thither, but hearing that many Indian soldiers had thrown themselves into Ora, he changed his plan, and moved against that city, which was captured at the first assault. According to Curtius, the siege of Ora was entrusted to Polysperchon, while the king himself took many small towns, whose inhabitants had sought refuge in Aornos. Arrian makes the people of Bazaria fly to Aornos for safety, but he agrees with Curtius in stating that the inhabitants of many of the neighbouring villages followed their example. From these accounts it is evident that Aornos was beyond Bazaria, and from the subsequent narratives of Arrian and Curtius, it is equally clear that Embolima was beyond Aornos, and on the Indus, where Ptolemy has placed it. Taking all these points into consideration, I believe that Bazaria, Aornos and Embolima may be best identified with Bázár, Ráni-gat and Ohind.* Bázár is a large village situated on the bank of the Kalpan, or Káli-páni river, and quite close to the town of Rustam, which is built on a very extensive old mound attributed to the time of the Kafirs or Hindus. *It would appear also from Arrian, iv. 28, that Aornos was only one day's march from Embolima, which agrees with the distance of Rânigat from Ohind of 16 miles. See No. IV. Map. F According to tradition, this was the site of the original town of Bázár. The position is an important one, as it stands just midway between the Swât and Indus rivers, and has, therefore, been from time immemorial the entrepôt of trade between the rich valley of Swât and the large towns on the Indus and Kabul rivers. Indeed, its name of Bázár, or "Mart," is sufficient to show that it has always been a place of consequence. Judging, therefore, by the importance of the place alone, I should be induced to select Bázár as the most probable representative of Bazaria; but this probability is turned almost to certainty by its exact correspondence, both in name and in position, with the ancient town that was besieged by Alexander. This identification is much strengthened by the proximity of Mount Dantalok, which is most probably the same range of hills as the Montes Dadali of the Greeks. In the spoken dialects of the present day, as well as in the ancient Pali, the nasal of the word danta is assimilated with the following letter, which thus becomes doubled, as in datton, a "tooth brush," or twig used for cleaning the teeth. Hence the Greek Daidalos is a very fair rendering of the Pali Dattalok. The Dadalian mountains are mentioned by Justin* as adjoining the kingdom of Queen Cleofis, or Cleophes, who, according to Curtius, was the mother (a mistake for wife) of Assacanus, king of Massaga. I have already identified the cave of Prince Sudána in Mount Dantalok, as described by Hwen Thsang, with the great cave of Kashmiri-Ghár, which is just eight miles to the north-west of Bâzâr. The Dantalok range would, therefore, have been on the right-hand of the Greeks Hist., xii. 7. "Inde montes Dædalos, regnaque Cleofidis reginæ petit." -iation which Rashid-ud-din obtained in A.D. he names the place Wehand. According to authors Waihand was the capital of Gândhâra, hid-ud-din adds that the Mogals called it 7. The only native writer who uses the abbrerm of the name is Nizâm-ud-din, who in his -i-Akbari' says that Mahmud besieged Jaipal ort of Hind in A.D. 1002. But this place is y named by Ferishta, who calls it the fort of In this last name we have a very بتهنده -oach to the old form of Utakhanda, which is Hwen Thsang. From all these examples, I the original name of Utakhanda, or Ut-khand, softened to Uthand or Bithanda, and then to Uhand or Ohind. The other form of Wehand -n as a simple misreading of Uthand, as the only differ in the position of the diacritical The second letter. General James Abbott, in s ad Aornon,' calls the place Oond, and says formerly called Oora, from which he thinks e that it may be identified with the Ora, lexander's historians. ntered into this long detail out of respect nowledged learning of the late lamented venthal. His opinion as to the name of most probably, although quite unconscied by his belief that Utakhanda was to be e modern Attak. But this place is unforthe wrong side of the Indus, besides which far as I am aware, is not to be found in prior to the reign of Akbar. Abul Fazl place of the same name on the Jhelam, which Moor calls the fort Ata in the reign of the place, altho Rashid-ud-din, 1. river joins the In refers to the str suspicion that t may have been reading of Tank Et-tankur. The . rived from Bar which the fort i gested Banâras which all Hind that this facts: the exactly opp bidden " Banâr Or the exister Orissa, on the may have sugg of Attak and ] for the extremWehand, or was the capita dynasty was A.D. 1026. A states that " who is one of country, is ca sovereigns of t *'Ayin Akbar. Researches, xv. 18. Sir Henry El T rrived it last at Enbolma, a CM 21 20 JOCK Jornos," where he APAN JATË powisons, case the siege ore be lit Bazaria, Alex sual freight, had despatched *Luba al . 1' Tunnus straight to the Indus with ast prydde Pryiding or throwing a bridge par 1.31.' Thermally, not one of the his- ut is the great & bit of provisions T |