hose which are social, intellectual, moral, spiritual, will r en be to them a gloomy place, where they will find little , and from which they will desire if possible to escape? et all who read these pages remember, that we were se this world, not for sport and amusement, but for labor; n joy and please ourselves, but to serve and glorify God, an seful to our fellow-men. This is the great object and en Ee. This is that for which life was given us. In pursuin end, God has indeed permitted us all needful diversion an ation. He has consulted our happiness in a thousand ways as so connected our duty with our happiness, that there i uch thing as being solidly, permanently happy but in obedi to his will.

at the great end of life, after all, is work-work for Godfor the advancement of his kingdom, and the best good of ellow men. The Christian fathers have a tradition that the Baptist, when a boy, and when requested by some other to join them in their play, replied: "I came into this world, or sport." Whether the Baptist ever said this, we are unto decide. But whether he did, or not, it is a memorable g. It is a true saying; however cutting may be the reproof h it carries to some of us. We came into this world, not port. We were sent here for a higher and nobler object. us, then, not forget this object. Let us seek to promote it very means in our power. Then, when summoned to meet inal Judge, we may hope to hear him say, "Well done and faithful servants; enter ye into the joy of your Lord."

ART. III. THE ANTI-SLAVERY RECORD OF THE

FREEWILL BAPTISTS.

During the latter part of our great struggle for national independence, another was opened which sought the prevalence of a more spiritual and scriptural religion. A nation and a denomination were born in those struggles, and both the United States and the Freewill Baptists were the offspring of freedom. Slavery was not then fully understood, though its victims were found in every state of the Union. It was soon banished from New England, and compelled to retire gradually from other northern states before the onward march of liberty. The "ordinance of 1787" excluded it forever from the upper valley of the Mississippi, and when the Constitution was adopted, almost every one believed that it would ultimately disappear. Consequently the people gave their attention to the pressing wants of a new country; and, while the state was perfecting its government and developing its resources, and the church was caring for the local and general interests of religion, all were unmindful of the growing power of slavery. It is true, there were horrid dreams of the wrongs it was committing, and sad forebodings of a coming retribution; but what to do, no one was prepared to say, and all seemed waiting for time to work a cure or develop a remedy. The people of the free states were once more than half aroused by the danger of slavery extension, but the "Missouri compromise” allayed their fears, and the dark night of their quiet slumbers continued as before.

It was the clarion voice of Garrison, in 1830, that broke the long repose, when he uttered that simple but startling truth, "Immediate emancipation is the right of the slave and the duty of the master." Slavery then held more than 2,000,000 of human beings as chattel property, and the number was increasing at the rate of 30 per cent. every ten years. These men, women and children were bought and sold, torn away from friends and kindred, fed and clothed, as the interest or caprice of their masters might dictate, driven by the lash to their daily tasks, in

e beginning to claim that it was a blessing to the race, bo te and black, an institution of the Bible and approved . Such was slavery in fact and pretension, when Garris a handful of abolitionists entered upon an uncompromisi fare against it. After suffering imprisonment in Baltimo Christ's sake, he returned to Boston and established th erator, whose weekly utterances led to earnest discussion light began to shine, the wrongs of slavery were exposed the responsibility of its continuance was charged in par n the North as well as upon the South.

pposition was at once awakened; abolitionists were denounc and their scheme of emancipation was declared to be foll madness. But the agitation went on, gathering strength numbers to the cause of freedom. The people generally e not then interested in the question, but individuals ofevery 5, especially Christians, were discussing its merits. Not sfied with individual effort, they began to take counsel toer and unite their strength; and in 1833 the American Antiery Society was organized. One of the noble pioneers in organization was a Freewill Baptist minister, who was afterls a frequent contributor to the Morning Star. From that e onward, the denomination began to take an increasing inst in the cause of emancipation.

To sooner did patriotic and pious men begin to look into the itution of slavery, to ascertain its social and moral bearings, the slaveholders began to show their alarm. "Let us e," was the cry from the South, and "Let us alone," was the

democratic echo from the North. Investigation was absolutely refused, and all inquiry into the subject was regarded as insulting. No person of anti-slavery utterances could remain in the South, and continued threats and open abuse deterred others from going there. In this state of affairs, the first and the only work that could be done was to enlighten the people on the subject of slavery, to create a public sentiment against it, to give expression to that sentiment, and to induce the people of the free states to withhold from it all countenance and support. Succeeding in this, it was believed that slaveholders would be persuaded or compelled to listen to reason, accept the right, and free their slaves.

Anti-slavery men very naturally looked to the American church for co-operation; but here they were met by some who were the devotees of slavery, and claimed that it was a political institution, acknowledged and sustained by the Constitution and laws of the nation. The frightful cry of "politics-abolitionists are meddling with politics," kept many cautious Christians from identifying themselves with the anti-slavery movement.

Because a few Christian pulpits and a few religious papers were recreant to the great principles of liberty; and because many churches and ministers did not come up at once and fully to the line of duty, radical men in the anti-slavery cause took ultra ground, and were unjustifiably severe in opposing what they were pleased to call "the church and clergy." Pro-slavery men took advantage of this also, and, applying the language of extremists to all emancipationists, called them "infidels," and charged them with the design of overthrowing the government and the institutions of religion. Pious men, and clergymen especially, unwilling to be classified with Garrison and Phillips, Wright and Pillsbury, in their sweeping denunciation, stood aloof from the enterprise, though timidly desiring the abolition of slavery.

Under these circumstances, the troubled waters of public excitement became so deeply agitated that every religious journal was constrained to notice the spreading agitation, and take its position on the question. About three months after the organization of the Anti-Slavery Society-Feb. 27, 1834-the

I jurisprudence would first inquire whether the blacks wo benefited by immediate emancipation-whether this, un existing circumstances, would most effectually promote th piness. If not, some other course would be preferal e present state of the blacks, their intelligence, their hab ir relation to the whites, past and future, in case of eman ion, would render them incapable of providing for their o piness-they could no more do it than an insane perso w who would think it expedient to allow insane men person erty? . . . But some abolitionist will probably sa ou advocate slavery." True sir, we prefere slavery to th ich is worse. We prefer servitude, if it makes the comm y more happy than liberty. Yet we hate slavery, and wi see it abolished; though not abolished under such circun nces as would make the remedy worse than the disease.

. . The course pursued by some emancipators is grea to be regretted. It is feared that the cause of fred n will be more injured by their rashness than it can be bene d by their good intentions. We wish them success in doin d, but their motto should be changed, if they intend to hav egarded in practice.

In conclusion we would say, let the slaves be liberated a as they can become prepared to use their freedom in promot their own happiness, without injuring the community; and all who have been partakers in the affair, be equal partners preparing them to enjoy liberty, and in effecting their emanation.

If it is humiliating to read the above extracts from the first erance of our denominational organ on the anti-slavery agion, it is gratifying to know that then, and then only, was the