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From the Inhabitants of Norwich.
"I gratefully acknowledge my obligations to his Majesty's faithful subjects, the inhabitants of the city of Norwich, for this affectionate address. The voice of sympathy is always soothing to the ear, but it is heard with double complacency when it is known to issue from the heart. I am convinced that in this sympathetic tribute of regard for my insulted honour, and my violated rights, the inhabitants of Norwich have expressed only those sentiments which affection breathes from their generous hearts.
"The accumulated indignities which I have experienced, have had an effect quite contrary to the expectations of my enemies; they have rendered me an object of public regard in a higher degree than I could otherwise have been. My reason approves and my piety reveres that instinctive propensity which there is in the human heart to succour the oppressed. Of this propensity no page in history furnishes a brighter example than that which the British people have exhibited in favour of their persecuted Queen. In proportion as my enemies have endeavoured to effect my abasement, they have contributed to my exaltation. They have degraded nobody but themselves. Their malice has been my protection, and their obloquy has become my panegyric.
"When my adversaries had recourse to a bill of pains and penalties, they offered an involuntary testimony to my innocence; for if I had been guilty, my guilt might have been established by a more legal and less circuitous process. But knowing that my integrity was my security as long as they remained within the confines of our constitutional sanctuary, they leaped with profane daring over that sacred boundary, and are now labouring to annihilate my honour as a woman, and my dignity as a Queen, by a procedure which must in its consequences be perilous to the vital interests of individual and general liberty. I am now, therefore, struggling not more for my own good than for that of the country. The question at this moment is not merely whether the Queen shall have her rights, but whether the rights of any individual in the kingdom shall be free from violation.
"The maxims of English jurisprudence have always hitherto, been favourable to the accused. Perhaps my accusers, who are also to be my judges, thought that they were acting in conformity to those maxims, when, after spreading the accusations against me over a period of six years, and a space almost equal to that of a whole Continent, they refused any specifiation of the times when, and the places where, the charges were laid, after they had previously condescended not to grant any list of the witnessses by whom these charges were to be supported. A generous enemy never commences the combat by previously wresting from his adversary every instrument of defence. But is not the conduct of my enemies a proof that they think their own cause weak and mine strong? Why else do they labour with a sort of trembling cowardice to cripple my powers of resistance? Is not this tacitly to tell the world that my integrity is their dread, and my accusation their shame ?"
From the Inhabitants of North Shields.
"I am unfeignedly obliged to the inhabitants of North Shields and its vicinity for this affectionate tribute of their regard. My bosom cannot but gratefully feel the sympathy, which they express for the indignities I have so long sustained, and for the many afflictions I have undergone.
"If my accusers had not been convinced that their charges against me could not be supported by any legitimate proof, or be prosecuted upon any constitutional principles, they would not have had recourse to an extraordinary expedient, which deprives me at once of the sacred protection of every existing law, and menaces my destruction by an exertion of unlimited power.
"Unsparing vengeance, in the form of a bill of pains and penalties, is arraying against me the whole force of the State. The heavenly aspect of justice, which was once the brightest ornament and the highest glory of these realms, is to be covered with a veil; and my honour and my rights are to be trampled in the dust by a sort of gigantic power, which derides the restraints of law, and is inaccessible as a rock to the sentiments of humanity.
"In the circumstances in which I am placed I should have been overwhelmed with despondency if I had not been powerfully supported by the internal consciousness of innocence, and cheered by the generous sympathy of the people, upon the protection of which I place a firmer reliance than upon the constitutional reverence, or the moral sensibility of my adversaries. Their conduct towards me in time past, has been prompted by no other incitement than that of infuriated malevolence; and they must know little of the human heart who suppose that such malevolence will moderate its ferocity, or slacken its hold, when the victim is within its grasp."
From the Soldiers of the Leicestershire Militia.
"I receive with great satisfaction this kind address from the soldiers of the Leicestershire militia, who, in condoling with me on my melancholy losses in sympathising with me in my sufferings-in praying for my safety and happiness, and in condemning the advisers of the cruelties inflicted upon me, give the best and most striking proof of their fidelity to their King, who can have no real interest, no true glory, in which his Queen does not participate.
"My name, given as it is as a mark of honour to many of the regiments of his Majesty's army, the custom of her late Majesty to address bodies of this gallant army would teach me, if my own heart did not, that that part of his Majesty's subjects who bear arms in defence of their country and the throne are never to be excluded from my attention, my care, and my gratitude.
"To the cowardly only it belongs to be cruel; valour and generosity are inseparable associates; and while the world proclaims the matchless valour of the British soldiers, it shall be for me to proclaim their generous sympathy and affection."
From the Inhabitants of Greenwich.
"In this cordial, this friendly Address, the inhabitants of Greenwich have strongly excited my sympathies and interested my heart. In the most vivid manner they have recalled to my memory those times over which oblivion will throw a veil. They have reminded me of those past days when I lived among them, when I visited their houses and traversed their fields, when I partook of their social fes tivities, and was united in their sacred rites: when I was rendered happy by ministering to the wants of some, and by adding to the comforts of others; and above all, when my heart was lifted to God, in gratitude, because my ears were cheered with the benedictions of the poor. This is the period which the kind hearted inhabitants of Greenwich so powerfully recall to my recollection; nor can I ever be unmindful that it was a period in which I could behold that countenance, which I never beheld without vivid delight, and heard that voice, which, to my fond ears, was like music breaking over violets. Can I forget? No; my soul will never suffer me to forget that, when the cold remains of this beloved object were to be deposited in the tomb, the malice of my persecutors would not even suffer the name of the mother to be inscribed upon the coffin of her child. Of all the indignities which I have experienced, this is one which, minute as it may seem, has affected me as much as all the rest. But, minute if it were, minute it was not to my agonised sensibility. It was a dagger, directed by unrelenting hate, not to the surface, but to the very centre of a mother's heart. If little circumstances mark character, that which I have mentioned will not fail to fix a note of indelible infamy aud upon that ferocious persecution which has troubled my peace embittered my days.'
From the Inhabitants of Aylesbury.
The inhabitants of the borough of Aylesbury have my cordial thanks for this impressive testimony of their affectionate regard. Whatever may have been the afflictions with which I have been visited by Providence, I know my duty to Heaven too well to murmur at any of its dispensations. The sorrows that are scattered over the surface of human life are usually transient, though often recurring. They come and go-they depart and return, like the wind and the rain-but my sorrows have not been of this kind. They have not merely flitted over my nerves in the shades of the evening, to disappear when the east reddened with the dawn. They have been a long, a dark, an almost interminable night, which malice, that of a fiend, has thrown over my soul for a quarter of a century. But the people of England think that I have been sufficiently tortured by malignity and saddened by woe. Their vivid sympathies and their glowing affections begin to dissipate the thick darkness that covered my pros
pects, and to announce the dayspring of a life more serene, when my wrongs shall be redressed, and my persecutions come to an end.
"Those persons who could instigate or advise that the name of the Queen should, contrary to all usage, be omitted in our national prayers, must have had their hearts far from God. Such an omission is at variance with that charity, without which all our adoration is mere mummery, and all our Hosannas only empty air.
"The injustice of my enemies has been so great, and indeed so monstrous, that the account of it will hereafter be numbered among the prodigies in the moral history of man. It is the extremity of barbarism in an age of high civilization. Because I have violated no law, a Bill of Pains and Penalties has been introduced into the House of Lords to destroy me without law. But the people of England have not minds of inert clay, or hearts of impenetrable stone. They know, they see, they feel, my unparralleled wrongs. Every man, every woman, nay, every child is alive to the sympathy they have inspired. Oppression always sanctifies its object. In this order of things the Almighty has written his decree against cruelty and injustice."
From the Inhabitants of Bethnal-green.
"The Churchwardens, Overseers, and Vestrymen, of the parish of St. Matthew, Bethnal Green, are requested to accept my cordial thanks for this spontaneous tribute of affectionate regard. The present mode of proceeding against me in the House of Lords, may well alarm those who have any regard for the political welfare or the moral interest of the nation. Though the primary object of the Bill of Pains and Penalties, is to divorce me from his Majesty, yet it is hyperbolically pretended that his Majesty is not a party in the case. An abstract is employed, in order to cover the deception, and the State is substituted for his Majesty; but the State, if it means any thing, must mean the people, collectively considered. But they, instead of desiring a dissolution of my marriage, have expressed the most indubitable desire that that marriage may not be annulled, but that I may remain Queen Consort of these realms, and be invested with all the rights, privileges, and imntunities which the law has appropriated to that Royal dignity. To pretend that his Majesty is not a party, and the sole complaining party in this question, is to render the whole business a mere mockery-the reprobation of the good, the jest of the thoughtless, and the contempt of the wise. His Majesty either does or does not desire the divorce, which the Bill of Pains and Penalties proposes to accomplish. If his Majesty does not desire the divorce, it is certain, that the State does not desire it in his stead; and if the divorce is the desire of his Majesty, his Majesty ought to seek it on the same terms as his subjects; for, in a limited morarchy, the law is one and the same for all; or otherwise, the mere volition of the Monarch is paramount to the law, and the governmeut becomes a despotism."
VOL. IV. No. 1.
TO THE EDITOR.
In my anxiety to discover the various opinions entertained by the early christians, concerning the peculiar doc-trines taught and believed in the three first centuries of the christian church, I have frequently lamented the difficulties under which I (in common with many others) laboured in not being able to procure those gospels, which were sanctioned as the genuiue productions of some of the Apostles, as well as the testimonials of those wise and good men, who flourished during that period, when to be a Christian was a source of obloquy and contempt; but whose writings were declared to be spurious, by a council composed of fallible men, and who when assembled, manifested all those feelings of party and prejudice, which characterise the zeal of faction rather than the searcher after truth.
Fortunately, however, for the enquiring mind, these Gospels have been collected together, and published by Mr. Hone, and an opportunity is thus afforded to the student in Theology, to pursue his studies, by an examination of all that are now extant, and I cannot help expressing my astonishment after reading them, at the perversity of those minds that could, by a vote, declare those works as the emanations of pious fraud. What advantages, I ask, could the virtuous Christian expect to derive from falsehood or duplicity, in palming upon his brethren the offsprings of his fancy, as the Revelations of Heaven? Can it be possible for any one for a moment, to believe, that impiety so wanton, would not have met with instant punishment from the author of divine revelation, that he who presumed to inculcate falsehood in the church, would have fell like Uzzah for his presumption, and been a warning to all those who placed the commandments of men on an equality with the commands of God. To be a Christian at the time when the gospels were formed, was voluntarily to exclude themselves from their former connexions, and become an object at which the finger of scorn could be pointed, without fear of retaliation. The name of a Christian was one of reproach,-it brought no honors,-it conferred no titles,-it had no distinctions, they were as the Apostles say, " In the world but not of the world." When men were so placed there could be no motives-no causes-to prompt them to the iniquity of such impositions, the fear of eternal damnation would deter them from such daring blasphemy.