NOTES TO LECTURE VIII.

NOTE I.: PAGE 250.—“It [Corinth] was celebrated for maintaining the character of a highly polished and literary society, such as (even without taking into account its connexion with Greek civilization generally) furnishes a natural basis for much both of the praise and blame with which the First Epistle abounds, in regard to intellectual gifts. 'At Corinth you would learn and hear even from inanimate objects' -so said a Greek teacher within a century from this time-' so great are the treasures of literature in every direction, wherever you do but glance, both in the streets themselves and in the colonnades; not to speak of the gymnasia and schools, and the general spirit of instruction and inquiry.'”—[Dean Stanley: "Comm. on Epistles to Corinthians"; London ed., 1876: p. 6.

II. p. 252.-"Of the general aspect of the city of Rome during the first years of its existence, we can, of course, form only a conjectural notion. It probably consisted of an irregular collection of thatched cottages, similar to that shown in later times as the Casa Romuli, on the Palatine, among which were interspersed a few diminutive chapels. . . He [Dionysius] says that the hut of Romulus lay in a hollow on the side of the Palatine which looks toward the Circus Maximus; and Plutarch places it on the descent from the Palatine to the Circus. . . It was a hut made of wood, and covered with reeds, representing the original habitation of the founder of Rome. It must have stood nearly at the western corner of the hill."-[Burn: "Rome and the Campagna"; London ed., 1871: pp. xxiv, 156.

III. p. 252.-"He [Augustus] lived at first near the Roman Forum, above the Scala anulariæ, in a house which had been that of the orator Calvus; afterward on the Palatine, but yet in a moderate house belonging to Hortensius, neither conspicuous for spaciousness nor for ornament; in which the piazzas were small, with columns of the Alban stone, and the rooms were without any marbles or any remarkable pavement."-[Suetonius: "Octav. August.": LXXII.

IV. p. 253.-Lactantius, for example, quotes thus:-"Under the influence of the same error (for who could keep the right course when

Cicero is in error?) Seneca said: 'Philosophy is nothing else thar the right method of living, or the science of living honorably, or the art of passing a good life.'" This, Lactantius controverts, on the ground, among others, that if philosophy were needful to form the life, none but philosophers would be good men, and they always would be: against which he then cites testimonies of Seneca himself.-[Div. Inst. III.: xv.

Augustine quotes from him more largely in the Civ. Dei, v.: 8; vI.: 10, 11; and elsewhere; but he indicates no suspicion that he had ro ceived any distinct influences from Christianity.

The expression of Jerome takes special emphasis from the fact that in the same part of the same treatise he speaks of other writers with praise: as of Varius Geminius, whom he styles 'the sublime orator,' of Theophrastus, one of whose books he calls 'golden'; while he mentions, also, Cicero, Socrates, Cato the Censor, Herodotus, Chrysippus, Aristotle, Plutarch, and others. But only of Seneca does he speak as our own," while from him he also largely quotes.-[Opera: S. Hieronymi; Cologne, 1616: Tom. I. p. 136.

V.: : p. 253.—"If the wise man had this very ring [of Gyges, making him invisible] he would think himself no more at liberty to sin than if he had it not. . . This is the meaning of this ring, and this example: if no one should know, no one even suspect, when you have done anything for the sake of riches, power, domination, lust, if it should be forever unknown to gods and men, you may not do it."-[De Officiis: III.: 9.

VI.: : p. 253.-"I am accustomed to look upon his chamber itself [of T. Aristo], his very couch, as reflecting the image of ancient frugality. The magnanimity of his soul adorns them, which has no regard to ostentatious display, but refers all things to the judgment of conscience; which seeks the reward of right action not at all in popular applause, but in the action itself."-[Ep. I.: 22.

VII. p. 254.-"Let us then say also to ourselves: 'Thy body, O man, naturally of itself breeds many diseases and passions, and many it receives befalling it from without; but if thou shalt open thy inte rior, thou wilt find a certain various and abundantly furnished storehouse and (as Democritus says) treasury of evils, not flowing into it from abroad, but having as it were their inbred and original springs, which vice, exceedingly affluent and rich in passions, causes to break forth. Now, whereas the diseases in the flesh are discerned by the pulses, and the flushings in the color of the skin, and discovered by unusual heats and sudden pains, and these maladies of the soul lie hid

from many who are affected with them; these are therefore worse, aɛ removing from them the sense of the patient."-[Plutarch: "Morals"; Boston ed., 1874: Vol. 4: p. 505.

VIII.: p. 254.—"Varro, in one of his satires, enumerates the following as the most notable foreign delicacies: peacocks from Samos; grouse from Phrygia; cranes from Melos; kids from Ambracia; tunny-fishes from Chalcedon; murænas from the Straits of Gades: ass-fishes (? aselli) from Pessinus; oysters and scallops from Tarentum; sturgeons from Rhodes; scarus-fishes (?) from Cilicia; nuts from Thasos; dates from Egypt; acorns from Spain."-[Mommsen: "Hist. of Rome"; London ed., 1868: Vol. 4: p. 543 (note).

The fourth Satire of Horace, Lib. II., gives many further particulars of the preferences of the Roman epicures for meats and esculents of various sorts, for wines and fruits; and the eighth Satire, in the same book, describes the ridiculous imitations of great feasts by those of more economical habits.

"The Talmud does indeed offer us a perfect picture of the cosmopolitanism and luxury of those final days of Rome, such as but few classical or post-classical writings coutain. We find mention made of Spanish fish, of Cretan apples, Bithynian cheese, Egyptian lentils and beans, Greek and Egyptian pumpkins, Italian wine, Median beer, Egyptian zyphus: garments were imported from Pelusium and India, shirts from Cilicia, and veils from Arabia."-[Deutsch: "Lit. Remains"; New York ed., 1874: p. 44.

IX.: p. 254.-"No one in that court vied with another in probity or industry; there was one only road to power, by prodigious feasts, and in seeking, at enormous expense and by the coarse profligacy of the cookshop, to satisfy the insatiable appetites of Vitellius. He, abundantly satisfied if he might enjoy whatever was before him, and taking no thought for anything further, is believed to have spent in a very few months nine hundred thousand great sesterces" [$36,000,000].—[Tacitus: "Histor.": II.: 95.

X.: p. 255.-"Do not wonder that diseases are innumerable. Count the cooks! All study ceases; and the professors of liberal learning preside in deserted nooks, without any attendants. There is solitude in the schools of rhetoricians and philosophers; but how celebrated are the kitchens! what a crowd of youth presses around the fire-places of spendthrifts! . . Good Gods! what a host of men one belly keeps busy!"-[Seneca: Ep. XCV.: 23-4.

The philosopher's mention of the fish, a large mullet weighing more than four pounds, bought by Octavius for five thousand sesterces, is in the same Epistle: 43.

"From every quarter they assemble all things designed for a dis dainful palate. What a stomach impaired by delicacies scarcely will admit, that is brought from the remotest ocean. They vomit, that they may eat; they eat, that they may vomit; and they do not think the feasts for which they search through all the world worthy even of being digested. . . Caius Cæsar, whom the nature of things seems to me to have produced in order to show of what the highest wickedness is capable in the midst of the highest fortune, spent at the supper of one day $350,000; and being assisted in the business by everybody's wit, yet hardly found how to make way at that one supper with the entire tribute of three provinces."-[Seneca: Consol. ad Helv. IX.

XI. p. 255.-Even Pliny the Younger wrote of the customary accompaniments of the feasts as a matter of course, and without condemnation:

"I have received your letter, in which you complain of the disgust which you felt at a certain very magnificent entertainment, because jesters, indecent dancers, and buffoons, wandered about among the tables. Will you not relax something of your frown? Certainly, I have nothing of the sort; but I bear with those who have. Why do I not have them? Because nothing charms me as surprising or gay when anything lascivious is offered by the dancer, anything smart by the jester, or silly by the buffoon. I am showing you not my judgment, but my special taste, in the matter. . . Let us therefore give indulgence to what is delightful to others, that we may ask it for what is pleasant to ourselves."-[Ep. Ix.: 17 (to Genitor).

XII. p. 255.-"The last days of the Republic were marked by an astonishing depravity in morals; the marriage of citizens had been abandoned, or transformed into libertinism through annual divorces. Celibacy was in fashion. Civil wars and proscriptions had left great voids in families; and under an inundation of slaves, of freedmen or of foreigners, the race of citizens was disappearing. Augustus tried to remedy, by laws and fiscal measures, the corruption of morals and the exhaustion of the legitimate population. . . The leges Julia et Papia Poppaea were combined in such a manner as to grant rewards of various kinds to those who were married and fathers, and to punish with various disabilities those who had no children, and more severely still unmarried persons. The most vulnerable point, and that on which the legislation struck with greatest effect, was the right of profiting from testamentary provisions. . . The unmarried person could not take any part of what had been left him; the orbus [married, without children] could only take one-half."-[Ortolan: "Hist. of Roman Law"; Lon don ed., 1871: pp. 308-311.

XIII. p. 255.-"Does any woman now blush on account of a divorce, since the time when certain distinguished women, of noble families, reckon their years not by the number of the [annual] consuls, but by that of their husbands? and go forth [from their husbands] for the sake of being married, are married for the sake of being divorced? . . Is there now any shame at adultery, since it has come to this, that no woman takes a husband except that she may excite the passion of a paramour? Modesty is a demonstration of deformity. Where can you find any woman so miserable, so squalid, that one pair of adulterers is enough for her?"-[Seneca: De Benef.; III.: 16.

XIV.: p. 255.-"She leaves the doors lately adorned, the tapestries still hanging on the house, and the branches yet green upon the threshold. So the number increases; so eight husbands have become hers in five autumns: a worthy fact for the inscription on her tomb."[Juvenal: Sat. VI.: 227–30.

XV.: p. 255.-"It is either less, or certainly not more than the thir tieth day, oh Faustinus, since the Julian law was revived for popular restraint, and modesty was commanded to re-enter houses; and Thelesina already marries her tenth man! She who marries so often, marries not at all. She is an adulteress, under a legal name. I am less offended by a more undisguised prostitute."—[Martial: Epig.: VI.: 7.

XVI. p. 255.-"Finally-and this is the climax of the whole infamy-as the husband gained the dowry when a divorce had taken place on account of the misconduct of the wife, it came to pass that men wishing to make their fortunes took for their wives unchaste women, provided they had property, in order afterward to repudiate them on the pretext of their licentiousness. On the other hand the women, seeing that they were protected neither by their virtue nor by their love, gave themselves up without restraint to the most frightful misconduct; and here is another proof of the truth which the experience of all time attests, that an excessive liberty of divorce leads woman on to adultery. . . Adultery seemed no more an offence since Clodius had made it serve his interests in purging him from his adulterous violation of sacred things."-[Troplong: "De l'Influence du Christianisme "; Paris ed., 1868: pp. 210-11.

The same sort of marriage had occurred, according to Plutarch, in the sixth consulship of Marius: and to his decision in favor of the wife was due her subsequent protection of him.-["Lives": Boston ed., 1859: Vol. III.: pp. 91-2.

XVII. p. 256.-Strabo mentions this action of Cato without censure