the administration of baptism and marriage, Jeanne publicly received the communion, according to the Reformed rite, at the church of St. Martin at Pau, on Easter day, 1563. The public processions of the Roman church, especially the Fête Dieu, were prohibited; a restriction against which the estates of Bearn remonstrated in the strongest terms. The queen replied, that a double motive had induced her to issue these decrees, viz. the discharge of her own duty and conscience, and the safety of the souls of her subjects; and, in answer to a second remonstrance from the estates, briefly commanded them not to set an example of disobedience to her decrees.

The opposition of the estates or higher orders of the realm would, doubtless, have involved the queen in considerable difficulties, had not the bishop of Lescar, a cousin of the queen's, and the first in rank of the episcopal order, given an example of great weight, by enforcing the prohibition in his diocese, and by dismantling his cathedral of its gorgeous altars, images, and other anti-scriptural devices. He even appointed two Protestant ministers, who had formerly been monks, to preach in the cathedral and administer the Reformed communion to the queen, who went expressly to Lescar to support and commemorate this reform. Oloron, the next diocese in episcopal rank, the queen was not so successful. Claude Regin, the bishop of Oloron, had succeeded Roussel the Reformed head of that diocese, after a lapse of eight years, during which there had been no bishop. The people of Oloron had become strengthened in the doctrines of the Reformation; but Regin, the new bishop, was a bigotted Romanist, and opposed their progress. The prohibition was received by him and his clergy, with the utmost hostility. They fortified the Episcopal Palace and prepared for open

At

and determined resistance; but the clergy were not seconded by the people, and the queen having despatched one of her judges and other officers to Oloron, the maleconteuts were arrested, and after a short imprisonment, released without further punishment.

The Romish clergy finding opposition fruitless, vented their indignation in a statement of their grievances to cardinal d'Armagnac, who had been governor or regent of Bearn some years previous. The cardinal forthwith wrote to the queen, expostulating with her on her adoption and maintenance of the new opinions.' To this letter Jeanne gave a most spirited and acute reply. But how fearful was

her situation !

Her petty domain entirely encircled by the powerful sovereignties, ruled by the atrocious patron of the butchery of St. Bartholomew's, and the bigotted husband of our Smithfield Mary! Her throne, was, as it were, on a sandy shelf, surrounded by the waves, beyond the reach of the fellow monarchs of her faith! Her nobles, her dignified clergy, nay, her state advisers, for the most part, openly or secretly, opposed to her design! And yet, with what assured, determined, and sagacious energy, did she maintain her holy cause; advancing the standard of her faith with a resolute arm, while she exclaimed, like her royal prototype,-" The Lord is on my side; I will not fear what man can do unto me!"'

A few weeks after the queen of Navarre had so decidedly evinced her determination to adhere to the Reformed doctrines, the thunder of the Vatican was brought to bear upon her. A citation from the pope was issued, September 28, 1563, and, notwithstanding an intercessory remonstrance from the court of France, was duly followed by excommunication, the declared forfeiture of her crown, and the

absolution of her subjects from their oaths of allegiance. But Jeanne had secured her authority by prompt and well-combined measures, and the great body of her people were now too well acquainted with the errors of Romanism, to be led into rebellion by the anti-christian mandate.

In the February previous, an ecclesiastical council had been established, by which conventual bodies were dissolved, and their property employed in the foundation of schools and charitable institutions. The symbols of Romanism, crosses, images, and altars, were removed, and the churches supplied with Reformed pastors. These changes were effected without much difficulty; the resistance made by the Romish priests not being supported by the people. A few imprisonments took place, of those contumaciously resisting, but in every instance, the queen almost immediately remitted the punishment. It is true that the estates of the kingdom warmly discussed the question of these changes, but the utmost opposition that resulted, was an address for liberty of conscience. The queen immediately issued an edict to that effect, arresting the progress of her ecclesiastical commissaries in dismantling' the Roman edifices, and ordering the statu quo to be maintained. But the Romanists were interdicted from restoring their worship in the churches then in possession of the Protestants, or of extending their ecclesiastical influence.

This concession was a very slight one, for the officers of the ecclesiastical council had already passed through the land, and effected their changes very generally. The higher order of the Roman clergy, and the nobles, formed the great majority of the estates, and yet, after fifteen days debate, no stronger resolution was passed than that which induced

this concession; so that neither the cause or the effect of it evinced any serious tendency to weaken the advance of reform.

A transient peace, or rather truce, between the Huguenots and the Romanists of France, left the queen a period of leisure for her domestic government. In the regulation of this, she was ably and faithfully supported by the Count de Grammont, the head of a family long distinguished for its ability and devotedness to the house of Navarre. The expulsion of the monastic orders was followed by the establishment of colleges. The convents of the Jacobins and Dominicans at Orthez contained no less than two hundred and thirty of these useless drones, who were superseded by busy youths and instructors of the Reformed faith. So unpopular were the monks, that they petitioned, when removing, for a military guard, to save them from insult. The golden chalices, censers, &c. used in public worship, by the self-called descendants and followers of the apostolic fishermen, were publicly sold, and the proceeds employed in the formation of public works. It is obvious that Romanism had lost its hold on popular feeling; in most instances a quiet sufferance, in some a joyous tumult, accompanied these public strippings of the "purple and scarlet, gold and precious stones." The spirit of Erasmus, rather than that of Calvin, seemed prevalent with many. At Pau, the municipal body, being petitioned by the priests of the town, not to dispose of certain property granted to their church for masses for the dead, replied that the dead having no need of support, the funds would be expended in maintaining living soldiers.' Again, the same body replied to a request to be allowed tapers during the Roman service, that when the days were dark or cloudy, they might light the tapers.

But the Papal party could not passively witness these changes. Their agents quickly raised up troubles, never to be entirely appeased in the queen's dominions.

The Count de Luxe, who held a Seignory in the district of Mauleon, in the north-west part of Bearn, raised his tenantry, and seducing a small corps of men at arms, of which he held the command, from their allegiance to the queen, attacked and gained possession of Garris, about forty miles from Pau, and the only fortified place in that part of the country. The young prince of Navarre, then in his fifteenth year, proceeded against the rebels, who, on an assurance of being allowed the free exercise of their religion, submitted, but three of the leaders of the movement were excepted from the amnesty, and suffered death.

The civil war in France, upon which de Luxe had counted, was of short duration. It commenced in September 1567, and peace was signed on the 23d of March following. The Bearnaise revolters, thus losing the support they counted on, were easily induced to submit to the queen of Navarre, who, when the Count de Luxe and his associates knelt before her at her Chateau de Pau, addressed them to this purport: That the overruling providence of God, which works in all things for his honour and glory, having preserved her hitherto, she was thereby taught to shew equal mercy to others, and in so doing, she desired to efface the memory of their misdeeds. On the assurance of 'their amendment, she forgave the past, trusting that her clemency would produce worthy fruit in the future.'

Such was the benign character of this most Christian queen! Such was the language of the first Protestant authority in France, only five years before the massacre of St. Bartholomew's. But " even so; every good tree bringeth forth

Charles the Ninth, the French king, was at that period engaged with his spiritual advisers, in the preparation of the means for the general slaughter of the Protestants, which was soon after perpetrated. Jeanne d'Albret being" a stone of stumbling and a rock of offence" to the extirpators of "heresy," was accordingly marked out for immolation.

M. de la Mothe Fenelon was, therefore, despatched on an embassy to the Navarrese queen, under the ostensible character of arbitrator between the queen and her revolted subjects; but at the same time, to save the trouble and expense of a second mission, he was the bearer of a commission from the king of France to the count de Luxe, empowering him to levy troops for the support of the Romanist cause, in anticipation of the renewal of the civil war. In a few months after, the war was resumed, and by the provident prudence of the king of France, de Luxe was immediately in the field against his sovereign the queen of Navarre. Jeanne took steps to defend herself. To defray her expences, all the Romanist convents, oratories, and extra-parochial chapels were sold, as well as the remaining ornaments of value in the churches. The estates of her kingdom, also, notwithstanding their former remonstrances, gave her a subsidy of twelve thousand crowns. Jeanne at the same time wrote to our queen, Elizabeth of England, detailing her situation and danger, and entreating the aid of that great Protestant princess. The appeal of her suffering sister was readily listened to by Elizabeth, who sent Jeanne the sum of 100,000 angels, (£50,000.) and six pieces of cannon with all their furniture. With these resources, troops were speedily arrayed, at the head of a part of which, Jeanne

set out for Rochelle, where the prince of Conde, and the heads of the Protestant party were assembled; leaving the government of her territories to her lieutenantgeneral, the baron d'Arros, and the president of her council, M. de Salettes. It is probable, as the Protestant historians conjecture, that the queen left Bèarn, with her son and daughter, for the greater security which the Huguenot army afforded, and, possibly, on account of the distrust which the revolt of her subjects had engendered. But the estates and people of Bèarn testified the utmost loyalty to their sovereign, levying forces, and raising money for her service. The estates also despatched two commissioners to the queen, one a Protestant, the other a Romanist, to assure her of their fidelity and adherence.

The national feeling of the Bearnoise had been roused by the proclamation issued by Charles the Ninth of France, on the breaking out of the war against the queen of Navarre. In this proclamation, the king declared the territories of the queen to be forfeited, and announced his design to occupy them. The appointment of de Luxe (a pardoned rebel,) to act as his lieutenant in the queen's dominion, was not a measure calculated to draw any honourable man to his standard; and, possibly, for this reason, he was superseded in his command, and the leading of the revolt in Béarn and Navarre, entrusted to Antoine de Lomagne, viscount de Terride.

The state of the country at this time was lamentable. Each one took the side which opinion, interest, or connection led to. Dandaux, formerly so active in the service of the queen, forsook her for the French party, and became her active enemy. But the Baron d'Arros, the queen's Lieutenant, was indefatigable in his exertions to sustain her cause. With the NOVEMBER, 1840.

forces he had raised, he invested Oloron, of which the Romanists had gained possession. D'Arros had taken prisoner M. Desgarrabaque, who commanded the town, together with several of the chief of his party, and thinking to terrify the garrison into a surrender, sent a notice to the besieged, that he would put his prisoners to death if they did not yield the town. The son of Desgarrabaque commanded as his father's deputy, but firm in bis military feeling, only answered by firing on D'Arros. The Baron impetuously assaulted the town, but was routed with considerable loss. A proposition was subsequently made to Arros, to give up Oloron on his releasing his prisoners. It was accepted, but the prisoners being given up with too little precaution, the party in Oloron refused to surrender.

This check lured many of the Romanist waverers to throw off their neutral disguise, and come forth in arms against the queen. Many of her former councillors and commanders espoused the anti-protestant side. Town after town fell into their hands; those places that resisted (such as Nay) being subjected to fire and sword, and the most barbarous cruelty. The threat of inflicting similar atrocities on all who resisted, was sufficient to induce a surrender, for Arros had no means of affording aid.

While the revolted barons were thus extending the rebellion on all sides, the Viscount de Terride, at the head of a body of French troops, entered Bèarn. The episcopal towns of Oloron and Lescar were speedily subdued, the troops burning and ravaging the houses of the Protestants, who were hung and shot without mercy. The cruelties to which those of the Reformed faith were exposed, were most revolting. The small town of Bellocq, on the frontier, being almost exclusively Protestant, the whole population fled on

the approach of their enemies, only five Romanist inhabitants remaining, and an old infirm Protestant. This wretched individual was immolated, a victim to bigotry and disappointed vengeance. Orthez surrendered on the express stipulation of personal security to the Reformed. The promise was readily given and religiously kept by the Romanists, for in that sense they speedily ensured "a rest for the people of God."

Pau, the capital of Bèarn, being soon after subdued, the same atrocities attended the resumption of the Roman sway. An elm near the market-place is still shewn, where the Protestant preachers and officers were suspended, and from whence having hung sufficiently

FIFTEEN years ago, I ventured to express the opinion that the time was not far distant, when the whole controversy between the Roman and Anglican churches would be revived, and every point which had formerly been made a matter of dispute, would again be discussed. The event has proved that I was not mistaken in my anticipation; and I am in consequence induced to offer some brief remarks upon one of the most important of the controverted points, -the Rule of Faith, in which is involved the question of the authority of Tradition. You are perhaps aware that the expression, • Regula Fidei,' or its equivalent, ὁ κανὼν τῆς πίστεως, ὁ κανὼν τῆς ἀληθείας, frequently occurs in the writings of the early fathers. It is, therefore, important to ascertain what meaning they attached to it. Irenæus, who wrote in the second century in confutation of the Gnostic heresies then prevalent,

informs us that, when the heretics were confuted out of Scripture, they appealed to oral tradition. He proceeds, therefore, to inquire where the true apostolic doctrine is to be sought. He answers, in

those churches which were founded by the apostles; for it is not,' he says, to be supposed that they would keep back from those whom they appointed to be their successors in presiding over and feeding the flock of Christ, any portion of the knowledge necessary to qualify them to become the instructors of others. This knowledge they left as a precious deposit in the churches which they founded, so that, if they had committed nothing to writing, still the true doctrine would have been preserved traditionally in those churches, as it actually is among the barbarous nations which have been converted to Christianity, and do not possess the Scriptures.' Here then Irenæus recognised the existence of