reafons on all fides, are not capable of doing. To prepare fuch an affembly as this, and endeavour to fet up the declared abettors of his own will for the true reprefentatives of the people, and the law-makers of the fociety, is certainly as great a breach of truft, and as perfect a declaration of a defign to fubvert the government, as is poffible to be met with.What power

they ought to have in the fociety who thus employ it, contrary to the trust that went along with it in its firft inftitution, is easy to determine; and one cannot but fee, that he who has once attemptany fuch thing as this, cannot any longer be trufted."

ed

Minifters of state will be apt to cry out, "This is a hard faying, who can bear it?" Hard as it may be upon them, is it not a true one? It is much harder upon the public to lose their conftitution, than it can be upon them to be deprived of the means to deftroy it. The pretence is, to fupport the power of the crown, but the end in view is, to wreft the fcepter out of his Majesty's hand, and to blefs the community with half a dozen Kings instead of one. Reftore the conftitution, and the conftitution will effectually fupport the power of the crown, in the hand where it Qught to reft.

Minifters of state have always ends of their own to ferve, inconfiftent with the good of the people and the honour of the crown, and generally ufurp the power of the crown to accomplish them. "When the counfel is condemned, every counsellor disclaims it; when applauded, all confidently value themselves upon it, as their own. When any of them are purfued, they take cover under the throne; and the reverence we owe to that, ufually avoids the juftice we owe to them. Thus all the miscarriages become the King's, and all fervices the minifter's; and by an odd fort of partitiontreaty, the lofs and odium are to be the fhare of the crown, and the profit and thanks are to be the minister's.”

That memorable houfe of commons, which, in the year 1680, glorioufly defended the conftitutional rights of their conftituents, against a ftrong minifterial faction fupported by the King himfelf, forefeeing the ruin, in which corruption, if not prevented in time, must neceffarily involve this kingdom, determined to call fuch members of their own houfe to account, who had betrayed their truft by becoming penfioners to the crown; and would certainly have made an example of them to their own and future ages, if they had not been prevented by a fudden diffolution of parliament; the fate of all conftitutional efforts in the reign of the Stuarts!

King William the third, whofe heart was bent upon fecuring the rights of the fubject, and fixing the conftitution of England upon a folid bafis, found himself fo embarraffed by the corrupt influence his minifters had over the parliament, that for many years he could not get a ftep forward. He changed hands, but all to no purpofe. He found minifters of ftate would fill be the fame, and had a private intereft to ferve, which they were determined to purfue, in defiance of the public good, and his own public-spirited

vicws.

views. He confented to exclude certain placemen from feats in the houfe of commons. This, though a fmall temporary relief, was far fhort of an effectual cure. But the bufinefs was com, pleatly done at the latter part of his reign, by that glorious act of parliament, known by the name of the act of fettlement. This act was fo perfectly agreeable to his Majefty's fentiments, that, at the clofe of the feflion, he returned his hearty thanks to his parliament for it. The claufe I allude to, which was one of the conditions of the fettlement of the crown upon the house of Hanover, is this.

"That no perfon, who has an office or place of profit under the King, or receives a penfion from the crown, fhall be capable of ferving as a member of the house of commons."

The value of this claufe, cannot be better reprefented than it has already been, in Dr. Drake's remarks upon it. After mentioning the effects of the bribery, openly practifed by the minifters of state at that time, he adds,

"Thefe proceedings terribly alarmed all good patriots, who plainly faw, that they enjoyed their liberties, merely by the King's grace and indulgence, who would not take thofe advantages against them, which thefe parafites offered him. This equally raifed their value and affection for the King, and their abhorrence of fuch minifters, which was fo much the greater, for that this was the most effectual way of ruining their country for ever. Men, that are routed by violence, or ftript by cheat and surprise, have the law on their fide, and where that wants power to redress, may recover their right by force, or fuch other means as they can. But the law provides no remedy for fools; he that ruins himself by his own act and deed, muft even fit down contentedly, and abide by the lofs. This had been our cafe under another prince; and therefore to prevent the like danger for the future, divers worthy patriots did feveral times attempt to get a bill paffed, commonly known by the name of the felf denying bill; but thofe attempts were conftantly defeated by the court party; till in this one fhort claufe they fummed up that whole bill, and gained at laft, that point, in which they had fo often before been baffled. The common objection against this claufe, is, that it difables many perfons, who by their known abilities, and approved integrity, were qualified to do their prince and country fervice in both capacities.

"And thus far this objection may be maintained, both from reafon and experience, that it is poffible now and then to find a man of too much understanding to be milled, and too much ho nefty to be corrupted, and confequently fit to be intrufled with all the powers that he is able to execute. But fuch men are almoft as rare as white crows, and not fo diftinguishable. They are fit for all manner of employments, when we can find them, but they are not to be expected, and therefore it behoves us to provide as well as we can, against fuch as are of another complexion. It is received maxim in private dealings, that we ought to prefume, Vol. VI.

every

every man to be very honeft, yet to deal with him as cautiously as if we knew him to be a knave. This holds better in concerns of the public, where the importance of the truft, and the danger of corruption is infinitely greater. There are undoubtedly honeft men in the nation, but 'tis hard to diftinguish them, the knaves look fo like them; and to do it by trial is dangerous, the experiment in public affairs cofts too much. But fince it is impoffible to find all men honest, it is our duty, as far as it is practicable, to make them fo; and, where that cannot certainly be effected, to take care not to trust them too far. The house of commons are trustees for the whole nation, and therefore they do well to keep temptation at a distance, and to admit no man amongst them, who may reap any private advantage by betraying his truft. Where every man is fufpected, no particular perfon is injured, and it is fafer to lose the fervice of many good men, than to be once in the power of a bad one.

"It was evident to the house, from their earnest endeavours for the establishment of a standing army in the time of peace, what fort of government a certain set of men aimed at, who were forcing the inftrument of tyranny into the King's hands; and it was no difficult matter to guefs how innocent they intended to be, who laboured fo hard for impunity. And therefore, to prevent for the future any attempt to betray our liberties by fo pernicious an offer, in any reign to come, when perhaps it may be better relifhed and accepted, than by our prefent gracious Sovereign; they have by this claufe excluded thofe fort of men, whom reafon and experience both teach us to be moft forward in fuch enterprifes. For men that have great places, and but small eftates have in a manner entered into an engagement to be more obfervant of the pleasure of the court, than of the intereft of the nation; at least the court has better security for their good behaviour, than they are able to give their country, and therefore till we are fure, that men are not to be corrupted, or till it is impoffible, that the court fhould purfue any intereft, which is not in every respect the intereft of the whole nation; these court benefices may juftly be efteemed fo many baits to lure men from the rigour of their duty, and thofe that enjoy them, may without affront be looked upon as perfons under temptation, and confequently not to be trufted with the guardianship of our liberties.

These have been the men, who in all reigns, and on all occafions have been ready to juftify the irregularities, and mifmanagements of the court, and in the houfe to patronize all manner of offenders in place with that unanimity, that they may feem to think every man's cafe their own, and by their apprehentions to confefs a community of guilt, as well as to fear one of danger. These were the men, who fo very lately offered to compliment away our liberties, by voting for a standing army in time of peace: but thofe very gentlemen, whofe wifdom and courage defeated their pernicious defigns then, have once more exerted themselves, and taken from them the power of doing us any fuch

fatal

fatal mischief hereafter; and thereby laid an obligation on the nation that will laft for ever, if we have fenfe and courage to maintain ourselves in poffeffion of fo ineftimable a benefit."

This act had fet the King and fubjects of England, in future, free from the ufurpation and tyranny of abandoned minifters of ftate; and had given the coup de grace to the deftructive ministerial art of governing by parties in the houfe of commons. It had alfo effectually debarred minifterial delinquents from their usual place of refuge behind the throne. But, (as if the honour of fupporting the true conftitution of this kingdom had been predetermined to crown the glory of WILLIAM's reign only) this excellent King had not been dead four years, before the miniftry of the following reign hit upon the means to get these claufes repealed under pretence of amending the act. The effect of that amendment we all know. If there had been any neceffity to mention it, it would be fufficient to refer the reader to the peace of Utrecht, and the peace of Paris.

There is but one argument in favour of bribery and corruption, which would not have been worth notice, had it not been fupported by the oratory of a noble lord, who fhould have been the laft perfon to have propagated an opinion of that kind. The argument was this, We are become fo very wicked, that it is impoffible to keep us within the bounds of our duty, without bribery and corruption ;" which in plain English, amounts to this, that we have no way left to mend our manners but by defroying our virtue, or to preferve our loyalty but by debauching our principles. This happened in the administration of Sir Robert Walpole; and the argument was fo droll and unexpected, that the witty minifter could not reftrain his own fatyr upon it*. Nay if the noble lord himself had occafion to exhort his audience at St. Paul's upon this fubject, Righteoufnefs exalteth a nation, but fin is a reproach to any people,' " he himfelf would have anfwered, every word of his own speech.

If we are fo truly abondoned, as here reprefented, all must be over with us; as we can no longer be worthy of the protection of Heaven, it would be infolence to expect it. But God be thanked we have reafon to hope, our cafe is not quite fo defperate yet. It is true, the disease is deeply rooted; but the remedy is near at hand, and wants only the will and refolution to apply it. His Majefty hath moft graciously promised to do his part; and if we neglect to do ours, the fin will be at our own doort.

HAMPDEN.

* Sk Bp of Bangor. -p of Bangor.When Sir Robert was informed of what had paffed, he laughed very heartily, and replied, "He was always the fame. I remember when we were schoolboys and went to bathe, I used to go into the water ftep by step, huddering and fhaking, but he plunged in over head and ears at once."

See his Majesty's most gracious fpeech on the 9th May, 1769. "As I have ever made, and ever shall make, our ex

L 2

Τα

SIR,

To the Editor of the Political Regifter.

Demonftrations of the genius of Public a

know not any thing that has aftonished me more, than to find very many of good abilities, who think themfelves the friends of liberty, and yet are warm advocates for men and meaTures which are manifeftly fubverfive of our laws and liberties, as the experience of all paft times can witnefs. They will have it, that to call in queftion the patriotifm of thofe in power, is to difcover a difloyal and feditious fpirit, and that the numerous petitions made to the throne, are, no other than the language of difaffection to the reigning royal family. Thefe de luded creatures are able to reconcile to themfelves the fatal meafures that have been taken to alienate the American colonies, to the irreparable damage and lofs of our trade and commerce, and the most apparent defign of weakening the proteftant intereft in Britain.- -They are fatisfied with thofe feveral unconftitutional measures juft now expreffed with fpirit in the Briftol pe tition*. And can look with an unmoved, undisturbed calm countenance on a popish bishop eftablished in Canada, upon a popish miffionary penfioned at Halifax, in Nova Scotia: and upon the giving papifts a legislative power and influence, in the Grenada police; and daringly difplacing proteftants.

They can fancy the conftitution fafe, when all the movements of the a-n are under the direction of a Stuart, who is not only a devotee of the jacobite intereft, but has given too much reafon to fufpect him a thorough cc, a fon of Rome. They have ability to imagine, that, one and the fame caufes are likely to produce the moft contradictory effects; and that the lamb cannot be in a more fafe and comfortable fituation, than when put within the paws of the lior. That the best and most trufty confervators of our laws and liberties, are papifts, jacobites, and tories; and that every act of defpotifm, is in proof of the ample fecurity we have of our rights and properties. Another very illuftrious proof has been lately exhibited; as appears from the London Chronicle, of January 6, 1770.

cellent conftitution the rule of my conduct, fo fhall I always confider it as equally my duty to exert every power, with which that conflitution has entrusted me, for preferving it fafe from violation of every kind; being fully convinced in fo doing, I fhall moit effectually provide for the true intereft and happiness of my people."

prefented January 5, 1770,

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