the guilt of the Netherlandish people, of establishing an ar bitrary power in that country. He therefore advised her, to deceive the nobles by the very arts which they had hitherto employed against herself, and to secure them through smooth words, and an obliging behaviour. The king, he concluded, who knew the nobles to be the hidden springs of all the previous troubles, would take good care to lay hands upon them at the first favourable opportunity, as well as the two, whom he had already in Spain; and did not mean to let them go again, having sworn to make an example in them, which should horrify the whole of Christendom, even if it should cost him his hereditary dominions. This piece of evil news was strongly corroborated by the letters which Bergen and Montigny wrote from Spain, and in which they bitterly complained of the contemptuous behaviour of the Grandees, and the altered deportment of the monarch towards them, and the Prince of Orange was now fully sensible what he had to expect from the fair promises of the king.

The letter of the minister Alava, together with some others from Spain, which gave a circumstantial account of the approaching warlike visit of the king, and of his evil intentions against the nobles, was laid by the prince before his brother Count Louis of Nassau, Counts Egmont, Horn, and Hogstraten, at a meeting at Dendermonde in Flanders, whither these five knights had repaired to confer on the measures necessary for their security. Count Louis, who listened only to his feelings of indignation, foolhardily maintained, that they ought, without loss of time, to take up arms and seize some strongholds. That they ought at all risks to prevent the king's armed entrance into the provinces. That they should endeavour to prevail on the Swiss, the Protestant princes of Germany, and the Huguenots to arm and obstruct his passage through their territories; and if, notwithstanding, he should force his way through these impediments, that the Flemings should meet him with an army on the frontiers. He would take upon himself to negociate a defensive alliance in France, in Switzerland, and in Germany, and to raise in the latter empire four thousand horse, together with a proportionate body of infantry; pretexts would not be wanting for collecting the requisite supplies of money, and the merchants of the reformed sect would, he felt assured, not fail them.

But William, more cautious and more wise, declared himself against this proposal, which, in the execution, would be exposed to numberless difficulties, and had as yet nothing to justify it. The Inquisition, he represented, was in fact abolished, the edicts were nearly sunk into oblivion, and a fair degree of religious liberty accorded. Hitherto, therefore, there existed no valid or adequate excuse for adopting this hostile method; he did not doubt, however, that one would be presented to them before long, and in good time for preparation. His own opinion, consequently, was that they should await this opportunity with patience, and in the mean while still keep a watchful eye upon everything, and contrive to give the people a hint of the threatened danger, that they might be ready to act if circumstances should call for their co-operation. If all present had assented to the opinion of the Prince of Orange, there is no doubt but so powerful a league, formidable both by the influence and the high character of its members, would have opposed obstacles to the designs of the king which would have compelled him to abandon them entirely. But the determination of the assembled knights was much shaken by the declaration with which Count Egmont surprised them. 'Rather," said he, “may all that is evil befall me, than that I should tempt fortune so rashly. The idle talk of the Spaniard Alava does not move me; how should such a person be able to read the mind of a sovereign so reserved as Philip, and to decipher his secrets? The intelligence which Montigny gives us, goes to prove nothing more than that the king has a very doubtful opinion of our zeal for his service, and believes he has cause to distrust our loyalty; and for this, I, for my part, must confess that we have given him only too much cause. And it is my serious purpose, by redoubling my zeal, to regain his good opinion, and by my future behaviour to remove, if possible, the distrust which my actions have hitherto excited. How could I tear myself from the arms of my numerous and dependent family, to wander as an exile at foreign courts, a burden to every one who received me, the slave of every one who condescended to assist me—a servant of foreigners, in order to escape a slight degree of constraint at home? Never can the monarch act unkindly towards a servant who was once beloved and dear to him, and who has established a well grounded claim to his

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gratitude. Never shall I be persuaded, that he, who has expressed such favourable, such gracious sentiments towards his Belgian subjects, and with his own mouth gave me such emphatic, such solemn assurances, can be now devising, as it is pretended, such tyrannical schemes against them. If we do but restore to the country its former repose, chastise the rebels, and re-establish the Roman Catholic form of worship wherever it has been violently suppressed, then, believe me, we shall hear no more of Spanish troops. This is the course to which I now invite you all by my counsel and my example, and to which also most of our brethren already incline. I, for my part, fear nothing from the anger of the king. My conscience acquits me. I trust my fate and fortunes to his justice and clemency." In vain did Nassau, Horn, and Orange labour to shake his resolution, and to open his eyes to the near and inevitable danger. Egmont was really attached to the king; the royal favours, and the condescension with which they were conferred were still fresh in his remembrance. The attentions with which the monarch had distinguished him above all his friends, had not failed of their effect. It was more from false shame than from party spirit that he had defended the cause of his countrymen against him; more from temperament and natural kindness of heart, than from tried principles, that he had opposed the severe measures of the government. The love of the nation, which worshipped him as its idol, carried him away. Too vain to renounce a title which sounded so agreeable, he had been compelled to do something to deserve it; but a single look at his family-a harsher designation applied to his conduct—a dangerous inference drawn from it-the mere sound of crime terrified him from his self-delusion, and scared him back in haste and alarm to his duty.

Orange's whole plan was frustrated by Egmont's withdrawal. The latter possessed the hearts of the people and the confidence of the army, without which it was utterly impossible to undertake any thing effective. The rest had reckoned with so much certainty upon him, that his unexpected defection rendered the whole meeting nugatory. They therefore separated without coming to a determination. All who had met in Dendermonde were expected in the Council of State in Brussels; but Egmont alone repaired thither.

The regent wished to sift him on the subject of this conf ence, but she could extract nothing further from him, th the production of the letter of Alava, of which he had p posely taken a copy, and which with the bitterest reproofs laid before her. At first she changed colour at sight of but quickly recovering herself, she boldly declared that it w a forgery. “How can this letter," she said, "really con from Alava, when I miss none; and would he, who pretento have intercepted it, have spared the other letters? Na how can it be true, when not a single packet has miscarrie nor a single despatch failed to come to hand? How, too, ca it be thought likely that the king would have made Alamaster of a secret, which he has not communicated even me?"

CIVIL WAR.

1566. Meanwhile the regent hastened to take advantage c the schism amongst the nobles to complete the ruin of th League, which was already tottering under the weight of in ternal dissensions. Without loss of time, she drew from Ger many the troops which Duke Eric of Brunswick was holdin in readiness, augmented the cavalry, and raised five regiment of Walloons, the command of which she gave to Count: Mansfeld, Megen, Aremberg, and others. To the prince likewise, she felt it necessary to confide troops, both be cause she did not wish, by withholding them pointedly, to in sult him, and also because the provinces of which he was governor was in urgent need of them; but she took the precaution of joining with him a Colonel Waldenfinger, who should watch all his steps, and thwart his measures if they appeared dangerous. To Count Egmont, the clergy in Flanders paid a contribution of forty thousand gold florins for the maintenance of 1500 men, whom he distributed among the places where danger was most apprehended. Every governor was ordered to increase his military force, and to provide himself with ammunition. These energetic preparations which were making in all places, left no doubt as to the measures which the regent would adopt in future. Conscious of her superior force, and certain of this important support,

she now ventured to change her tone, and to employ quite another language with the rebels. She began to put the most arbitrary interpretation on the concessions which, through fear and necessity, she had made to the Protestants, and to restrict all the liberties which she had tacitly granted them to the mere permission of their preaching. All other reli gious exercises and rites, which yet appeared to be involved in the former privilege, were, by new edicts, expressly forbidden, and all offenders in such matters were to be proceeded against as traitors. The Protestants were permitted to think differently from the ruling church upon the sacrament, but to receive it differently was a crime; baptism, marriage, burial, after their fashion, were prohibited under pain of death. It was a cruel mockery to allow them their religion, and forbid the exercise of it; but this mean artifice of the regent to escape from the obligation of her pledged word, was worthy of the pusillanimity with which she had submitted to its being extorted from her. She took advantage of the most trifling innovations, and the smallest excesses, to interrupt the preachings; and some of the preachers, under the charge of having performed their office in places not appointed to them, were brought to trial, condemned and executed. On more than one occasion, the regent publicly declared that the confederates had taken unfair advantage of her fears, and that she did not feel herself bound by an engagement which had been extorted from her by threats.

Of all the Belgian towns which had participated in the insurrection of the Iconoclasts, none had caused the regent so much alarm as the town of Valenciennes in Hainault. In no other was the party of the Calvinists so powerful, and the spirit of rebellion for which the province of Hainault had always made itself conspicuous, seemed to dwell here as in its native place. The propinquity of France, to which, as well by language as by manners, this town appeared to belong, rather than to the Netherlands, had from the first led to its being governed with great mildness and forbearance, which, however, only taught it to feel its own importance. At the last outbreak of the church desecrators it had been on the point of surrendering to the Huguenots, with whom it maintained the closest understanding. The slightest excitement might renew this danger.