1851.

Sketch of the Rise and Establishment of Popery.

5

even then men had arisen who claimed and exercised dominion over the faith" of the people. This was the first step in the progress of corruption, But it was speedily followed by another, to which, indeed, it naturally led, namely, the introduction of the order of bishops, as distinguished from common presbyters. The ordinary clergy had assumed a usurped power over the people, and now the presiding presbyters, under the name of bishops, catching their spirit, and treading in their footsteps, assumed a usurped power over them. From being equals for nothing is plainer from early ecclesiastical history than that, in regard to rank and station, all ministers were on a level they contrived to make themselves superiors. The bishops were, according to their own representation, the legitimate successors of the apostles, and the antitypes of the Jewish priests, while other ministers were only evangelical Levites. They not only claimed the sole power of ordination, but wished to arrogate to themselves the exclusive right, either directly or by proxy, of administering baptism, to which even in these early days a superstitious virtue had begun to be attached. The transition from bishops to metropolitans or patriarchs, was not great,-it was indeed only natural. If bishops s were necessary to oversee the common clergy, metropolitans were necessary to oversee the bishops. In the second century, accordingly, this step was taken. The bishops of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, the three most considerable cities in the empire, were declared metropolitan bishops or patriarchs, and invested with the right of presiding in the ecclesiastical councils of their respective provinces. Rome, however, being the capital of the empire, where the wealth was accumulated, and from which the laws emanated, its bishop naturally enjoyed a consideration proportioned to the rank of the city. He took the place among bishops which Rome had among cities, assuming the title and claiming the authority of prince of the patriarchs. Long before the earliest epoch," said the learned historian of the middle ages, "that can be fixed for modern history, and indeed, to speak fairly, almost as far back as ecclesiastical testimonies can carry us, the bishops of Rome had been venerated as first in rank, though yet no superior power was conceded to them, among the higher rulers of the church." In this way, then, even in the primitive ages, the embryo form of the man of sin appeared, and the foundations of the papal power were laid, which, under the fostering influences of ignorance, and superstition, and ambition, in due time came to maturity, and reached, in the formation of the Romish hierarchy, its culminating point.

VI

The second period in the history of Popery dates from the civil establishment of Christianity by Constantine. That event exercised a powerful influence upon the condition of the church. From being an object of persecu tion, the church became an object of favour, basked in the sunshine of imperial patronage, and had showered upon her civil distinctions and secular wealth. The effect was to render Christianity popular, and invest the church with a splendour which, while it dazzled, attracted; increasing thereby the number of her members, and diminishing that of her enemies. But the effect was not one of unmixed benefit. If the change afforded scope for the growth of the wheat, it encouraged still more powerfully the springing up of the tares. It tended to secularise the clerical character, and foster, more strongly than ever, clerical ambition. What the church gained in temporal power and grandeur, she lost in primitive purity and simplicity:

It need hardly be said, that such a change was peculiarly favourable to the usurpations of the bishop of Rome. It was a gale most propitious to his ambitious designs; and most skilfully did he trim and set his sails to catch it. He not only shared, in common with the other bishops of the church, the benefits of imperial countenance and patronage, but he possessed advantages peculiar to himself. The change brought, in particular, a great i accession to his wealth, and added enormously to his power; and both these, it is scarcely necessary to say, have been always powerful instruments of popish usurpation. One of the first effects of the conversion of Constantine, was to give not only security, but a legal sanction, to the property-latterly immense-acquired either by donation or legacy, by the church; and of this, as might be imagined, the bishop of Rome reaped a principal benefit. He surpassed, we are informed, all his brethren in the splendour and magnificence of the church over which he presided, in the richness of his revenues and possessions, and in his sumptuous and costly manner of living-all which soon rendered the see of Rome a most seducing object of sacerdotal ambition. But the power of the bishop of Rome was increased along with his wealth. As the bishop of the imperial city, his consideration would necessarily be augmented by the new connection into which he was brought with the emperor, in virtue of which he would, moon-like, reflect a portion of the imperial majesty. But this was not all, nor even the principal thing. It had been customary, in the earliest days of the church, for Christians, instead of going to law before the unbelievers, to submit their differences, and even civil disputes, to the arbitration of their clergy, and especially of their bishops. This practice, so fair in appearance, but so objectionable in principle-for it was not the Master's will that his ministers should be "judges and dividers" in secular matters-was of course in the first two centuries entirely voluntary, or enforced only by ecclesiastical sanctions. But by a law of Constantine, which directed the civil magistrates to enforce the execution of episcopal awards, it was rendered imperative. This power in the hands of the bishop of Rome would, we need not say, be neither small nor inactive. But his ecclesiastical jurisdiction was greater and more extensive than his civil. Though at first his authority was not acknowledged beyond the precincts of his own see, none of the bishops admitting that they derived their authority from the bishop of Rome, or were created bishops, to employ the phrase in subsequent use, by the favour of the apostolic see, yet in the course of the century in which Christianity was civilly established, the foundations were laid on. which the bishops of Rome afterwards erected the structure of their ecclesiastical power and despotism. The steps taken for this purpose were gradual and gentle, but sure. By offering their mediation in cases of difference, and interposing it in cases of appeal, by holding themselves forth as the refuge of injured weakness, and the vindicator of the church's rights, they prepared the way for a subsequent claim of authority. "What at first," says D'Aubigné, "were simply brotherly advices in the mouth of the Pontiff, soon became binding commands. Rome neglected no opportunity of augmenting and extending her power, and to her eyes, and in her hands, commendations, flatteries, exaggerated compliments, requests for advice from other churches, all became titles and documentary proofs of her authority." And it is not a little observable how the imprudence of the emperors, and the precipitation of the bishops, concurred at this juncture with the dexterity of the Roman prelates themselves, to establish and extend the authority of Rome. Towards the close of the fourth century, the Emperor Valentinian

enacted a law, empowering the bishop of Rome to examine and judge the bishops, that religious disputes might not be decided by profane or secular judges—a law which the bishops assembled in council at Rome a few years after, not considering the fatal consequences that must arise from it, declared their approbation of in the strongest terms. Thus the papal power, which, at the close of the third century, was merely spiritual— a usurped power, indeed, proceeding from that of a simple presbyter to that of a bishop, and from that of a bishop to that of a patriarch, yet rather voluntarily accorded, than authoritatively exacted, the bishop of Rome being simply regarded as first among equals—became, by the civil establishment of Christianity, a political as well as a spiritual power, invested to some extent with civil authority, and supported by enormous secular wealth. The system has now got horns, though as yet only the horns of a lamb; but it gave indication, at least, that it would soon speak like a dragon.

ed.

We now come to the third period in the history of Popery-the period of the subversion of the western Roman empire, and which forms a very markera in the growth of the papal power. In the beginning of the fifth century, that inundation of the barbarous nations commenced, which was destined, in the course of a few years, to sweep with resistless force, wave impelling wave, over the fairest provinces of Christendom, and the most. civilised portion of mankind. Alaric with his Goths, and Atilla with his Huns, carried fire and sword into every province of the empire, not respecting even the majesty of Rome itself, which was repeatedly taken and sacked. In the year 476, that power which had conquered the world, and given laws to mankind, and which was laden with so many proud recollections and time-honoured associations, having, in different forms existed for more than twelve hundred years, fell before the attacks of the barbarians, and, as an empire, ceased to be. In these attacks, indeed, as might have been expected, the church suffered as well as the empire. Many of her ministers were slain, many of her sanctuaries violated, and vast multitudes of her members impoverished, exiled, enslaved, and massacred. And it might have been thought that a calamity, which had been so fatal to the civil head of the imperial city, would have been equally fatal to its ecclesiastical head, and that the same violence which had swept away the emperor would have swept away the bishop. But, by a strange concurrence of circumstances, the very storm which had produced so much disaster in the state, lifted the papal power and the papal system to an elevation they had never reached before. The barbarians who subverted the empire, in an unlooked-for manner aggrandised the church. "It was," says D'Aubigné, "to the stout shoulders of the sons of the north, that one of the pastors on the banks of the Tiber was indebted for being fully established on the loftiest throne of Christendom." There were three ways in which the irruption of the barbarians and the subversion of the western empire tended to the elevation and aggrandisement of the Roman see. The first was by leaving the seat of power at Rome empty. While there was an emperor, the supreme authority was of course exercised by him. But, on the abdication of the last of the emperors, the bishop naturally, and almost by a kind of necessity, stepped into his place; and though he and his successors did not exercise imperial authority, they exerted even more than imperial influence. They mediated, they negociated, they preserved order, they relieved distress, and spread the shield of their protection over the defenceless. They became thus princes without the name, and placed themselves, without even seeming to do it, in the vacant throne of the Cæsars. Thus, "that which before did

J

let, was taken out of the way," and the man of sin was revealed. But their power was still farther augmented by the voluntary devotion to them of the barbarians. These northern tribes having conquered Rome, were in their" turn conquered by it, by becoming converts to its religion, such as it then was. Being, however, only half civilised and half instructed-heathen in not fact, though christian in name-they transferred not unnaturally their superstitious veneration for their own native priesthood to the christian clergy, and with a half savage, half pagan adoration, threw themselves prostrateR before the high priest of Rome. Their devotion to the church, too, it de serves to be remarked, though less enlightened, was more munificent than the proper subjects of the empire. The barbarian chiefs seem to have thought that they could not bestow too many immunities, or lavish too much wealth, upon those whom they deemed priests of the most High God; and we need not say that wealth and distinction are power. But an element of power, probably exceeding any of these we have mentioned, and which was immeasurably augmented by the irruption of the barbarians, was the pre-T valence of superstitious and idolatrous ideas and practices in the church. These had been growing from the close of the first century, and tended, as can be easily perceived, to increase the consideration and augment the" wealth of the clergy. But now they came in like a flood, the barbarous nations incorporating much of the religion which they nominally abandoned with the religion which they professed to receive; and we hardly require to add, that these growing superstitions and idolatries were rendered, if poss sible, still more subservient to the purposes of clerical avarice and ambition. Of this description were the veneration for relics, the worship of images, the idolatry of saints and martyrs, the religious inviolability of sanctuaries, the consecration of cemeteries, and, above all, the doctrine of purgatory and masses for the relief of the dead. These, operating upon the minds of barbarians, lavish though rapacious, and superstitiously devout though openly dissolute, naturally caused a stream of opulence, and even a flood of distinction, to pour in upon the church. Thus the papal power not only rode out, the tempests which devastated the empire, but, like another ark, though of a very unholy character, was borne upon the waters of this new deluge to wealth and renown and authority.-We shall resume the subject in our next.

THE events of providence, if not more singular than the most marvellous conceptions of romance, are often equally exciting, and sometimes produce on the heart very powerful and salutary moral and spiritual effects. They constrain the man of reflec tion to recognise a Divine arrangement in their occurrence, conjunction, and practical results. Hence, very few, after reading the sketch which the inspired writer has given us of the life of Joseph-following him through various windings and doublings of his history, and marking the strange combination of events which led to his de liverance and exaltation, and the effect of this on the destinies of Egypt and the chosen people of God, can hesitate to admit the truth of his own statement subsequently made to his brethren," But as for you, ye thought evil against me; but God meant it unto good, to bring to pass, as it is this day, to save much people alive Now therefore fear ye not: I will nourish you, and your little ones. And he com forted them, and spake kindly unto them."brow alt to wou iyroqoilt -- botwqizib ton

And this active providence, whose footsteps we can often trace while reviewing the past, both in relation to ourselves and others, is still active; often making, what [ we call casualties and trivial incidents, no less than more conspicuous and inposing events, subservient to the accomplishment of great and grand purposes. We see the movements of the great wheel, though the inner wheel, which guides its evoluregulates its speed, may lie concealed; but the workmanship, when contemplated, discovers exquisite skill and beneficent design. We see the intention of Godin his action, and feel and admire the results, while the process is hidden from us ; and can add our testimony in confirmation of the apostle's statement,“ We know that all things work together for good to them that love God, to them who are the called according to his purpose."

In the year 1812, I was on a visit at Bath, having engaged to preach two Sab. baths for my esteemed and revered friend, the Rev. Mr Jay, who stands in the relation of a spiritual father to the dear departed minister, whose ministry was the means of recovering me from the dark and cheerless region of scepticism, and bringing me into the fellowship and into the service of Christ. When there, the following remarkable coincidence happened in the eventful history of two brothers. They grew up together till they reached about the fifteenth year of their life; and were excessively attached to each other. Their mother died within a year after the birth of the youngest, and at length their father died also. At his death, they were placed under the care of an uncle; and the eldest was sent to India. The uncle died, and the youngest was left without a friend. He went to London, where he obtained a subordinate situation in a merchant's warehouse-rapidly passed through the various gradations of servitude-became a partner-gained a large fortune, and then withdrew from the establishment. As he had heard no tidings of his brother for many years, he resolved to go to India to ascertain whether he was dead or still living. He went; and there he was informed that a gentleman, bearing his name, and who had resided in India some years, left for England about six months before his arrival. They were now travelling in quest of each other,—

and as thirty years had elapsed since their last interview, they doubted the possibility of recognising each other's personal identity, even if they should perchance meet. At the time of my visit at Bath, there were staying at an inn, which was very near my temporary domicile, two gentlemen, attended by their livery servants. They had often seen each other, and dined at the same public table; and once they sat close together, and in chit-chat. Their two servants had lived some years with their masters; and being now in the same inn, they became very intimate-told each other what few family secrets they had to divulge; when one, awaking, as from a dream, said, “Our masters are brothers, as sure as a hurricane raises a storm; and we had a terrible one in our out-passage. Why, I went last year with my master to India to look "And my master his brother.

said the other, "is come to England to see if he can find his brother; and they are both of the same name, and as much alike as two peas." ༢༢.༠ The servants communicated their suspicions to their masters; the two strangers met, and were soon locked in each others arms as brothers. I saw them several times walking arm in arm together; their countenances betraying the hidden feelings of their soul. "Ah!" thought I, "if the withering influence of a haughty scep ticism has fallen upon your spirit, or if you are devotees of a popular superstition, you will think and speak of this sudden and unanticipated meeting as a lucky event, dasingular chance, turning up in the history of your life; a tale worth telling, but one which will be unproductive of any fine moral effect on your heart or character But if you are men of God, you will trace, with intense interest, his guiding hand in bringing you so unexpectedly together; and with new-kindled emo tions of gratitude and love, you will renew your consecration to HIM and his service!"

About the same year two gentlemen from Yorkshire arrived in Bristol to attend its great leather-fair; they were well known to each other, having often attended the fair; and they always stopped at the same inn. They were both gay, though not dissipated thorough men of the world, yet untainted by some of its social vices