Extension and Abbreviation. 227. As a general rule, ch is not allowed by the grammarians to stand in that form after a vowel, but is to be doubled, becoming cch (which the MSS. sometimes write chch). The various authorities disagree with one another in detail as to this duplication. According to Panini, ch is doubled within a word after either a long or a short vowel; and, as initial, necessarily after a short and after the particles á and má, and optionally everywhere after a long. In RV., initial ch is doubled after a long vowel of a only, and certain special cases after a short vowel are excepted. For the required usage in the other Vedic texts, see their several Prātiçakhyas. The Kāṭhaka writes for original ch (not ch from combination of t and n with : 203) after a vowel everywhere cch. Opinions are still at variance as to how far this duplication has an etymological ground, and how far it is only an acknowledgment of the fact that ch makes a heavy syllable even after a short vowel (makes "position": 79). 228. After r, any consonant (save a spirant before a vowel) is by the grammarians either allowed or required to be doubled (an aspirate, by prefixing the corresponding non-aspirate: 154). Some of the authorities include, along with r, also h or l or v, or more than one of them, in this rule. A doubled consonant after r is very common in MSS. and inscriptions, as also in native text-editions and in the earlier editions prepared by European scholars in later ones, the duplication is universally omitted. -- whether interior, or initial after is by the grammarians either allowed or 229. The first consonant of a group a vowel of a preceding word required to be doubled. This duplication is allowed by Panini and required by the Prātiçakhyas in both, with mention of authorities who deny it altogether. For certain exceptions, see the Pratiçakhyas: the meaning of the whole matter is too obscure to justify the giving of details here. 230. Other cases of extension of consonant-groups, required by some of the grammatical authorities, are the following: a. Between a non-nasal and a nasal mute, the insertion of so-called yamas ('twins'), or nasal counterparts, is taught by the Pratiçākhyas (and assumed in Panini's commentary): see APr. i. 99, note. b. Between h and a following nasal mute the Pratiçakhyas teach the insertion of a nasal sound called nāsikya: see APr. i. 100, note. c. Between r and a following consonant the Pratiçakhyas teach the insertion of a svarabhakti or 'vowel-fragment': see APr. i. 101-2, note. Some authorities assume this insertion only before a spirant; the others regard it as twice as long before a spirant as before any other consonant namely, a half or a eighth before the latter. quarter mora before the former, a quarter or an One (VPr.) admits it after as well as r. It is variously described as a fragment of the vowel a or of ṛ (or). The RPг. puts a svarabhakti also between a sonant consonant and a following mute or spirant; and APr. introduces an element called sphotana ('distinguisher') between a guttural and a preceding mute of another class. For one or two other cases of yet more doubtful value, see the Pratiçakhyas. 231. After a nasal, the former of two non-nasal mutes may be dropped, whether homogeneous only with the nasal, or with both thus, yuñdhi for yuñgdhi, yuñdhvám for yuñgdhvám, āñtám for anktám, chintam for chinttam, bhintha for bhintthá, indhé for inddhé. This abbreviation, allowed by Panini, is required by APr. (the other Pratiçakhyas take no notice of it). It is the usual practice of the MSS., though the full group is also often written. 232. In general, a a double mute (including an aspirate which is doubled by the prefixion of a non-aspirate) in combination with any other consonant is by the manuscripts written as simple. That is to say, the ordinary usage of the MSS. makes no difference between those groups in which a phonetic duplication is allowed by the rules given above (228, 229) and those in which the duplication is etymological. As every tv after a vowel may also be properly written ttv, so dattvá and tattvá may be, and almost invariably are, written as datvá and tatvá. As kúrtana is also properly kárttana, so kārttika (from kṛtti) is written as kārtika. So in inflection, we have always, for example, majñá etc., not majjñá, from majjún. Even in composition and sentence-collocation the same abbreviations are made thus, hṛdyotú for hṛddyotá; chinúty asya for chinátty asya. Hence it is impossible to determine by the evidence of written usage whether we should regard ādhvam or āddhvam (from Vās), údviḍhvam or údviḍḍhvam (from Vdvis) as the true form of a second person plural. 233. Among occasional omissions of an etymologically justified member of a consonant-group, is of importance enough to be here noticed that As is sometimes lost (perhaps after assimilation) between two surd mutes: thus, a. The initial s of the roots sthā and stabh after the preposition ut: thus, utthatum for utsthátum, úttabhnoti for útstabhnoti. b. The tense-sign 8 of the s-aorist (chap. XI.) after a final consonant of a root before the initial consonant of an ending: thus, achūntta (and for this, by 231, achānta) for achāntsta, çāpta for çāpsta, tāptam for tāpstam. c. Other instances are only sporadic: thus, the compound ṛkthā (ṛc + sthā : PB.); the collocations tasmāt tute (for stute) and puroruk tuta- (for stuta-: K.). Strengthening and Weakening Processes. 234. Under this head, we take up first the changes that affect vowels, and then those that affect consonants adding, for convenience's sake, in each case, a brief notice of the vowel and consonant elements that have come to bear the apparent office of connectives. Guna and Vṛddhi. 235. The so-called guna and vṛddhi-changes are the most regular and frequent of vowel-changes, being of constant occurrence both in inflection and in derivation. A guna-vowel differs from the corresponding simple vowel by a prefixed a-element, which is combined with the other according to the usual rules; a vṛddhi-vowel, by the further prefixion of a to the guna-vowel. Thus, of i or the corresponding guna is (a+i)e; the corresponding orddhi is a+e=ai. But in all gunating processes a remains unchanged or, as it is sometimes expressed, ā, of course, remains unchanged a is its own guna; for both guna and vṛddhi. There is nowhere any occurrence of in a situation to undergo either guna or vṛddhi-change; nor does retically, would have the same be al. (26) ever suffer change to vṛddhi. Theochanges as r; and the vṛddhi of would 237. The historical relations of the members of each vowel-series are still matters of some difference of opinion. From the special point of view of the Sanskrit, the simple vowels wear the aspect of being in general the original or fundamental ones, and the others of being products of their increment or strengthening, in two several degrees so that the rules of formation direct a, i, u, r, to be raised to guna or vṛddhi respectively, under specified conditions. But is so clearly seen to come by abbreviation or weakening from an earlier ar (or ra) that many European grammarians prefer to treat the guna-form as the original and the other as the derivative. Thus, for example: instead of assuming certain roots to be bhṛ and vṛdh, and making from them bharati and vardhati, and bhṛta and vṛddha, by the same rules which from bhu and ni and from budh and cit form bhavati and nayati, bodhati and cetati, bhūta and nīta, buddha and citta they assume bhar and vardh to be the roots, and give the rules of formation for them in reverse. Both methods have their advantages, and the question between them is one of minor consequence, which may fairly be settled by considerations of convenience. Mainly from such considerations, the r-form is generally assumed in this work, though not without constant recognition of the other. 238. The guna-increment is an Indo-European phenomenon, and is in many cases seen to occur in connection with an accent on the increased syllable. It is found: a. In root-syllables: either in inflection, as dvésti from Vdvis, dóhmi from duh; or in derivation, as dvéșa, dohas, dvéstum, dógdhum. b. In formative elements: either conjugational class-signs, as tanómi from tanu; or suffixes of derivation, in further derivation or in inflection, as agnáye from agni, bhānávas from bhānú, pitáram from pitý, hantavyà from hántu. 239. The vṛddhi-increment is specifically Indian (being unshared, save in a few doubtful cases, even by the Zend), and its occurrence is more infrequent and irregular. It is found: a. In root and suffix-syllables, instead of guna: thus, stāúti from Vstu, sákhāyam from sákhi, ánaiṣam from Vnī, ákārṣam and kārάyati and kāryà from Vkṛ (or kar), dātáram from dātṛ. b. Especially often, in initial syllables in secondary derivation thus, mānasá from mánas, vaidyutá from vidyút, bhāumá from bhúmi, párthiva from pṛthivi. But 240. The guna-increment does not usually take place in a heavy syllable ending with a consonant: that is to say, the rules prescribing guna in processes of derivation and inflection. do not apply to a short vowel which is "long by position", nor to a long vowel unless it be final: thus, cétati from cit, but nindati from Vnind; náyati from Vnī, but jivati from Vjiv. The vṛddhi-increment is not liable to this restriction. Exceptions to the rule are occasionally met with: thus, didéva from Vdiv; héḍas from Vhid; 6hate from Vuh. And a few cases occur of prolongation instead of increment: thus, dūṣáyati from ydus, guhati from √guh. The changes of r (more original ar or ra) are so various as to call for further description. 241. The increments of r are sometimes ra and rā, instead of ar and ār: namely, especially, where by such reversal a difficult combination of consonants is avoided thus, from Vdre, draksyami and ádrākṣam; but also pṛthú and prath, prch and prach, krpá and ákrapista. 242. In a number of roots (about a dozen quotable ones) ending in r (for more original ar), the r exchanges both with ar, and, more irregularly, in a part of the forms, with ir or also with ur (especially after a labial, in pṛ, mṛ, vr, sporadically in others) which ir and ur, again, are liable to prolongation into ir and ur. Thus, for example, from tr (or tar), we have tarati, titarti, tatāra, atāriṣam, by regular processes; but also tirati, tiryati, tīrtvā, -tirya, tirṇa, and even (V.) turyāma, tuturyāt, tarturāna. The treatment of such roots has to be described in speaking of each formation. For the purpose of artificially indicating this peculiarity of treatment, such roots are by the Hindu grammarians written with long 7, or with both ṛ and no actually appears anywhere among their forms. The (quotable) 7-roots are 3 kr 'strew', 1gr 'praise', 2gr 'swallow', 1jṛ 'wear out', tr, 1 çṛ 'crush'*. The (quotable) and r-roots are r, 1 dr 'burst', 1pr 'fill', 2mṛ 'die', 2 vr 'choose', stṛ, hvṛ. 243. In a few cases, comes from the contraction of other syllables than ar and ra: thus, in tṛta and tṛtiya from ri; in cṛņu from ru; in tṛca, even from rir (or ryṛ). Vowel-lengthening. and u, 244. Vowel-lengthening has regard especially to since the lengthening of a is in part (except where in evident analogy with that of i and u) indistinguishable from its increment, and is made long only in certain plural cases of stems in (or ar chap. V.). Lengthening is a much more irregular and sporadic change than increment, and its cases will in general be left to be pointed out in connection with the processes of inflection and derivation: a few only will be mentioned here. 245. a. Final radical i and u are especially liable to prolongation before y as in passive and gerund and so on. b. Final radical ir and ur (from r-roots: 242) are liable to prolongation before all consonants except those of personal endings: namely, before y and tva and na: and in declension before bh and s (392). Radical is and us have the same prolongation in declension. 246. Compensatory lengthening, or absorption by a vowel of the time of a lost following consonant, is by no means common. Certain instances of it have been pointed out above (179, 198 b, 199 b, 222). Perhaps such cases as pitu for pitars and dhani for dhanins (chap. V.) are to be classed here. 247. The final vowel of a former member of a compound is often made long, especially in the Veda. Prolongations of final a, and before v, are most Numbers prefixed to roots denote the order in which, there being more than one of the same form, the root intended is given in the Petersburg lexicon. |