tem except from the stems which are reckoned to the causative or cur-class, and which follow in all respects the rules for that class are of the utmost rarity. In RV. occurs no form not belonging to the present-system, unless (as seems most likely) ūnayis (with má prohibitive) is to be regarded as 2d sing. of the is-aorist. Unquestionable examples of this aorist are asūyīt (ÇB.), pāpayiṣṭa (TS. iii. 2. 83: pl., with má prohibitive) and avṛṣāyiṣata (VS.). The form ásaparyāit (AV. xiv. 2. 20), with ūi for i (555b), might be aorist; but, as the metre shows, is probably a corrupt reading; amanasyuit, certainly imperfect, appears to occur in TB. (ii. 3. 83). CB. has the future gopūyiṣyati, and TS. the participles kaṇḍūyisyánt and kaṇḍūyitá. From roots assimilated to the causatives occur in the older language mantrayām ūsa (AB., GB.), mantrayam cakratus and cakre (ÇB.), mantritá (ÇB., TA.), -mantrya (TB.), and one or two other like forms. The gerundival adjectives saparyénya and atasayya also are met with. CHAPTER XV. PERIPHRASTIC AND COMPOUND CONJUGATION. 1089. ONE periphrastic formation, the periphrastic future, has been already described (942 ff.), since it has become in the later language a necessary part of every verbal conjugation, and since, though still remaining essentially periphrastic, it has been so fused in its parts and altered in construction as to assume in considerable measure the semblance of an integral tense-formation. By far the most important other formation of the class is The Periphrastic Perfect. 1070. This (though almost unknown in the Veda, and coming only gradually into use in the Brahma as) is a tense widely made and frequently used in the classical Sanskrit. It is made by prefixing the accusative of a derivative noun-stem iná (accented) to the perfect tense of an auxiliary verb: namely, of √ kṛ 'make', more often of Vas 'be', and very rarely of V✈ bhū, 'be'. In the older language, as is pointed out below, kṛ is used as auxiliary almost alone, and bhū not at all. Even in MBh., bhū hardly ever occurs (Holtzmann). 1071. The periphrastic perfect occurs as follows: a. It is the perfect of the derivative conjugations: intensive, desiderative, causative, and denominative; the noun in á being made from the present-stem which is the general basis of each conjugation: thus, from a budh, intensive a bobudhám, desiderative H14 bubhutsắm, बुभुत्साम् causative ám. bodhayam; denominative ч2014 mantray The formation from causative stems, and from those denominatives which are assimilated to causatives, is by far the most frequent. b. Most roots beginning with a vowel in a heavy syllable (long by nature or long by position) make this perfect only, and not the simple one: thus, 414_āsắm from y श्रासाम् ās, 3414 ikṣám from Vsa iks; Jos114 ubjām from √/ 35 ubj. Ꮴ Excepted are the roots ap and añch, and those beginning with a before two consonants (and taking an as reduplication: 788). c. The roots (that is, stems reckoned by the grammarians as roots) of more than one syllable have their perfect of this formation: thus, 1414 cakāsám. But ūrņu (712) is said to form ūrṇonāva only, and jūgṛ and daridrā (1020, 1024) to have a perfect of either formation. d. A few other scattering roots: namely, ay, day, and kās, and optionally vid and us, and a few roots of the reduplicating class, bhĩ, bhṛ, hu, and hri. All these make the derivative noun from their present-stem: thus, dayám, vidám, oṣám, bibhayám, juhavám, bibharám, jihrayam (these with guna of the final vowel before the a An occasional example is met with from other roots: thus, nayam from ni (pres.-stem naya); hvayām from Vhvā (pres.-stem hvaya). 1072. The periphrastic perfect of the middle voice is made only with the middle inflection of V kr; that of the active, with any one of the three auxiliaries. For passive use, the auxiliaries as and bhū are also allowed to take a middle inflection. It is unnecessary to give a paradigm of this formation, as the inflection of the auxiliaries is the same as in their independent use (for that of V/kr, see 800f); of Vbhu, see 800 b; of vas, see 636). The connection of the noun and auxiliary is not so close that other words are not sometimes allowed to come between them: thus, tám pātayām prathamam āsa, 'him he first made to fall'; prabhrançayāṁ yo naghuṣaṁ cakāra, who made Naghusha fall headlong' (both Raghuvança). 1073. The above is an account of the periphrastic formation with a derivative noun in am as it appears in the later language; earlier, its aspect is quite different: namely, as that of a more general, but quite infrequent, combination of such a noun with various forms of the root kr. Thus : a. Of forms with the perfect of the auxiliary occurs only a single example in the whole body of Vedic texts (metrical): namely, gamayaṁ cakāra (AV. xviii.). In the brāhmaṇa parts of the Black Yajus texts are found vidáṁ cakāra (TS., K., MS.) and vidám cakṛma (K.), and yūjayáṁ cakāra (K.). In the Brahmanas, examples from causative etc. stems in aya begin to prevail over others, and in CB. they are rather frequent. Examples from desiderative stems have been noted only from CB.: they are cikramisám, rurukṣám, dudhūrṣám, bibhatsám. From simple roots having the same formation in the later language, occur vidám (TB., ÇB., GB.), āsám (ÇB., GB.), ikṣam (CB., GB.), edhám (ÇB.), juhavám (AB., TB., ÇB.), bibhayẩm (ÇB.); and also layam (nilayam) from Vli (ÇB.). b. Forms with the aorist of the auxiliary are in the oldest Brahmanas as numerous as those with the perfect. Thus, with akar occur ramayam (K.), janayām and sudayam and svadayam and sthāpayám (MS.); and with akran, vidám (TS., MS., TB.). With the aorist optative or precative has been noted only pāvayáṁ kriyāt (MS.). c. Like combinations with other tenses are excessively rare, but not entirely unknown: so, juhavāṁ karoti (Çānkh. Çr. Sū.). d. With any other auxiliary than ykṛ appears only mantrayám āsa (AB., GB.; in CB. the same noun is combined with kṛ in mantrayáṁ cakratus and mantrayáṁ cakre). As the examples show, the noun (as in the case of the periphrastic future: 945) has its independent accent. Participial Periphrastic Phrases. 1074. Combinations of participles with auxiliary verbs, of condition or motion, forming phrases which have an office analogous with that of verb-tenses, are not unknown in any period of the language. They occur even in the Veda, but are far more common and conspicuous in the Brahmanas, and become again of little account in the later language. rence. 1075. Examples of the various formations are as follows. a. A (usually present) participle with the tenses of the verb i, 'go'. This is the combination, on the whole, of widest and most frequent occurThus yathā sūcyā vāsaḥ saṁdadhad iyād evam evāi 'tūbhir yajñasya chidram samdadhad eti (AB.), 'just as one would mend [habitually] a garment with a needle, so with these one mends any defect of the sacrifice'; agnir vā idaṁ vāiçvānaro dahann ait (PB.), 'Agni Vaiçvanara kept burning this creation'; té surāḥ pārājitā yánto dyάvūpṛthiví úpāçrayan (TB.), 'those Asuras, getting beaten, took refuge with heaven and earth'; tè 'sya gṛháḥ paçáva upamūryámāṇā īyuḥ (ÇB.), 'the animals, his family, would be continually destroyed'. b. The same with the verb car, ‘go (continually or habitually)', signifying still more distinctly than the preceding a continued or habitual action. Thus : agnáv agniç carati práviṣṭaḥ (AV.), 'Agni is constantly present in the fire'; adandyam danḍena ghnantaç caranti (PB.), 'they make a practice of beating with a rod what is undeserving of punishment'. c. The same with the verbs us, 'sit', and sthā, 'stand', with a like meaning. Thus, juhvata ūsate (K.), 'they continue sacrificing'; te 'pakramya prativāvadato ‘tiṣṭhan (AB.), 'they, having gone off, kept vehemently refusing`. In the later language, sthū is the verb oftenest used, with predicates of various kind, to make a verbal phrase of continuance. d. A participle with as and bhu, 'be'. The participle is oftenest a future one; as only is used in the optative, bhū usually in other forms. Thus: yaḥ purvam anījānāḥ syut (AB.), 'whoever may not have made sacrifice before'; samāvad eva yajñe kurvāṇā āsan (GB.), 'they did the same thing at the sacrifice'; parikriḍanta ūsan (MS.), 'they were playing about'; itarū me kena devatā upēptā bhaviṣyanti (AB.), 'wherewith shall the other deities be won by me?' yútra suptvá púnar na 'vadrūsyán bhávati (ÇB.), 'when, after sleeping, he is not going to fall asleep again'; havyaṁ hi vakṣyan bhavati (AB.), 'for he is intending to carry the sacrifice'; dūsyant syāt (K.), 'may be going to give'; yéna váhanena syantsyánt syất (ÇB.), 'with what vehicle he may be about to drive'. Composition with Prepositional Prefixes. 1076. All the forms, personal and other, of verbal conjugation of both primary and secondary conjugation, and even to some extent of denominative (so far as the denominative stems have become assimilated in value to simple roots) occur very frequently in combination with certain words of direction, elements of an adverbial character (see the next chapter), the so-called prepositions, according to the original use of that term, or the verbal prefixes. Practically, in the later language, it is as if a compounded root were formed, out of root and prefix, from which then the whole conjugation (with many derivatives: below, chap. XVII.) is made, just as from the simple root. Yet, even there (and still more in the older language: 1081), the combination is so loose, and the members retain so much of their independent value, that in most dictionaries (that of Monier Williams is an exception) the conjugation of each root with prefixes is treated under the simple root, and not in the alphabetic order of the prefix. Derivative words, however, are by universal agreement given in their independent alphabetic place, like simple words. 1077. Those verbal prefixes which have value as such throughout the whole history of the language are given below, in alphabetic order, with their fundamental meanings: A áti, 'across, beyond, past, over, to excess'; lence); ádhi, 'above, over, on, on to'; ánu, 'after, along, toward'; antár, 'between, among, within'; apa, 'away, forth, off'; Tapi, 'unto, close upon or on'; abhi, 'to, unto, against' (often with implied vio áva, 'down, off'; á, 'to, unto, at'; úd, up, up forth or out'; 34 úpa, 'to, unto, toward'; ni, 'down; in, into'; H_nis, ‘out, forth'; ч párā, 'to a distance, away, forth'; prá, forward, onward, forth, fore'; |