cases this policy of the government in supporting Hinduism and Mohammedanism exhibited the appearance of approving and sanctioning those systems as true, and their observance as for the benefit of their votaries. Many felt, and not without some reason, that so long as the English government should pursue this course, little good could be expected from any means or efforts to introduce Christianity, or to promote civilization, or even any reformation of morals and manners.

In respect to the other kind of endowments, namely, the annual payments of money to temples, and allowing a part of the revenue or taxes of villages to religious purposes, the English, in assuming the government of the country, generally continued the practice of the native governments that preceded them. The people who paid the taxes, regarded themselves as having a right from long and established usage to these payments for religious purposes. The English government, or the governors in India never gave any pledges, nor made any engagement or treaty to support Hinduism nor Mohammedanism ; yet they were expected, both by the native princes and people, to respect the established laws and acts of the previous native governments. And when they had once begun the course of policy which has been mentioned, then to change it, to refuse such aid and support when the people, on their part, had given no occasion for any such change, appeared to them to be arbitrary and oppressive.

In this way the English government in India became involved in the control, management, and support of heathenism and Mohammedanism. This course of policy was commenced, as successive districts and territories became subject to them, by their governors and agents, in the exercise of the discretionary power intrusted to them. And this course was carried on for some years before the Christian public and proprietors of India stock in England became aware of its nature and extent. The speeches, debates, discussions, and despatches on this subject, (especially concerning the temple of Juggunath,) are generally known. It was not so easy for the governments in India to change their policy and dissolve all connection with the temples and mosques and their endowments, as was generally supposed. The Court of Directors were unwilling to take

avowed and decisive measures, while some of their agents in India were disposed to favor and support Hinduism and Mohammedanism to an extent quite inconsistent with any due preference for Christianity. When this policy of the government and state of matters in India became known in England, it excited strong dissatisfaction. Earnest and able discussions took place among the proprietors of India stock, the Directors of the Company, and the Board of Control. Memorials and petitions from churches and missionary and other religious societies, were sent to Parliament, requesting its interference to prevent the continuance of what appeared to be a recommendation and approbation of Hinduism and Mohammedanism, and which could not be otherwise than a great obstacle to the introduction and progress of Christianity. The subject was in various ways kept before the Christian public for some years, and it became obvious that, whatever might be the opinion of the Directors and some of their agents in India, they would be compelled to yield to the authority of public opinion. In these discussions and debates, Mr. J. Poynder, and Mr. C. Grant, (subsequently Lord Glenelg,) took a very active part, and performed services for Christianity and benevolence, which will long be remembered.

Peremptory inquiries and instructions were at length sent out to India, and the results showed that the government had a more intimate and extensive connection with the religions of the country than had been supposed. It was found that in the presidency of Madras alone, the government had under its care and patronage 8,292 Hindu temples, and that the sums paid to them annually, amounted to $400,000. It was also found that the fund which had accumulated from the excess of the endowments above the expenses of these temples, amounted to $600,000 in the government treasury. The result of much inquiry, correspondence, and discussion, was that $400,000 of this accumulated fund should be given to promote education, and the remaining $200,000 to various benevolent and charitable objects; and that the temples and mosques, with all their endowments, should be intrusted to the management of committees of the inhabitants, where these places of worship are situated. These arrangements have in most places been carried into effect, and there is no reason to doubt that those who began this work

of reform, will carry it on till the English government in India shall be entirely unconnected with the religion of its native subjects.

NATIVE PRINCES.

The native princes yet remaining in India, are of two classes, namely, those who receive pensions or annuities for themselves and their families, in consideration of their former power and possessions, or of their loss and misfortunes; and those who still retain some territory and power.

Oriental princes have always been fond of pageantry, and of indulging in habits of capricious extravagance. These tastes and habits have generally made their personal and family expenses very large. The pensions and annuities given by the East India Company to these fallen princes, have commonly been on a princely scale, but not unfrequently united with some conditions of a humiliating nature, though regarded by the English as necessary for the public safety, or for the stability of their own power. Some of these conditions are as follow:- Some are required to reside in certain specified cities or districts, and not to go out of them. They are not permitted to have any personal intercourse nor correspondence with other pensioned princes, nor with any princes still retaining power and territory in India or out of India. They are not permitted to have any personal intercourse or correspondence with any European, except the English agents of the government. In short, these fallen and deposed princes, though retaining their titles, and living in pageantry and luxury, are yet kept in circumstances which are painful and humiliating. Among these pensioners upon the East India Company, are the titular Emperor of Delhi the Great Mogul, the Nabobs of Bengal and the Carnatic, the Rajas of Burdwan, Benares, Tanjore, and Malabar, the families of the late Peishwa, and of Tippoo Sultan, and many others. The amount of pensions and annuities given to persons and families of this class and character, amount to about $7,000,000 annually. These are generally continued to their descendants, but as such families often become extinct, and some of them forfeit their claims by improper conduct, the number of pensioners and the amount paid on their account, are yearly diminishing. The very liberal manner

in which the English in India have provided for this class of people, has contributed much to facilitate their conquest of the country, and to consolidate their power.

The native princes and nobles, who yet retain some power and territory, are numerous. They are to be found in nearly all parts of the country, and their territories vary from a few villages to provinces containing several millions of inhabitants. These scattered remains of former kingdoms and governments, were lately estimated to contain nearly one third of the population of India, or 50,000,000 of people, and rather more than one third of the whole territory of India. Some of these princes retain but little power, their territories being chiefly managed by English agents, while others are nearly independent in their own dominions. But none of them are permitted to hold any political intercourse with each other, nor with any nation or power out of India. Their relations to the East India Company, now the paramount power in the country, vary according to treaties and agreements made at different times. Their armies, so far as they are permitted to keep any, are commonly more or less under the command of English officers, and a certain amount of English force is generally stationed in their territories. An accredited English agent generally resides in or near their capital. In this way their policy and the state of their territory are always well known to the English, who have the means of restraining or deposing them, should there at any time appear to be reasons for doing it. The courts of these princes have the usual amount of intrigue, treachery, feuds, and profligacy found in oriental governments. Hence there is frequent occasion for the interference of the English agents, and such interference generally results in loss to the native princes, and the increase of the English power.

Formerly it was the opinion of the leading English statesmen in India, that these scattered remains of the former sovereigns and princes increased the stability of the English, and so were to be perpetuated. But for some years past, it has been the policy of the English governors and agents to annex all such territories to their own dominions, as soon as the failure of male descendants, or political disturbances, or misgovernment, should furnish occasion or excuse for doing it. Formerly it was an

established usage or law among Hindus and Mohammedans, that if any prince had not any male issue, he could adopt a son, and if such adoption was made in the prescribed form and accompanied by certain religious rites, then such a son became the legal heir of the honors, titles, and possessions of the family. In this way the dynasties of the native princes were perpetuated. The English formerly allowed the native princes dependent upon them, to transmit their power and perpetuate their family honors and possessions by adoption. But for some years past they have generally refused to allow this right, and when princes and noble families have become extinct in the direct male line, they have annexed their possessions to their own dominions. In this way, within a few years past, the English have taken possession of the dominions of several deceased princes, as of the late Raja of Berar, estimated to contain 4,000,000 of inhabitants, of the late Raja of Sattara, estimated to contain 1,000,000, and some others. The remaining princes and their families have reason also to expect the loss of their honors, possessions, and wealth, whenever male heirs in the direct line shall fail. This change of policy in the English, of annexing and absorbing the territories of the native princes, instead of sustaining, protecting, and perpetuating them, which they formerly did, and to which these princes and their families have claimed a right, has produced strong excitement in India, and called forth earnest memorials, appeals, and protests. These princes and their families must contemplate this course of policy and the consequent prospect before them, with feelings of deep anxiety. And many others have similar feelings, who have looked upon these princes and their possessions as remaining witnesses of their former nationality, and who have cherished some vague hope that they might in some way recover their former power and dignity But when they see these dynasties annihilated, or the representatives of them reduced to the state of the common people, and no native powers remaining to raise a banner, and no territory on which it could be raised and which could be made a basis for any political organization, their hopes of any future national government vanish, and they feel an increasing sense of their conquered, humbled, and dependent state. There are far