which all orders and descriptions of men bow the knee, in trembling submission. If we except one single instance, where he speaks of the navigation act of Great Britain, (and here he is probably conscientious) he does not discharge even the tribute of abuse against that power; a tribute so rigidly exacted from others, and so liberally paid. The whole contents of his volume, serve,—although not perhaps designedly on the part of the writer,—a circumstance which adds still greater force to the contrast to place the two opposite European systems of action and policy, the British and French, in such a light, as that every patriot and every philanthropist must, in affections, cling instinctively to the cause of England, and recoil with a correspondent impetus from that of France.

The English version of this work is executed in rather a haste. The translator shows himself, however, fully competent to the task. We rejoice to find, from a statement in one of his notes, that he intends to give an English dress, to Mr. Ganilh's Essay on Public Revenue. This treatise which we have in our possession, although not exactly equal in merit to the "Inquiry into the various Systems, &c." yet prefers the strongest claims, to the attention of the lovers of political science, in every country. There is another valuable French work on political economy, which we should be glad to see naturalized among us; that of Mr. Say, which we have mentioned above.

slovenly manner, in consequence of too great

354

General Considerations upon the Past and Future State of Europe.

[A Portuguese gentleman, now among us, the most eminent of the literati of his country, and esteemed in the capitals of Europe as one of the most learned, and sagacious persons of his time, has prepared for this Journal, an Essay with the foregoing title. We insert at present, but a portion of it,---the first division, which treats of the former state of Europe, and which is, in itself, highly instructive and ingenious. The remainder is reserved for our next number. From the Nature of the matter, and the order of the inquiry, this separation will not tend to weaken the effect of what is to come. The topics introduced in the sequel, are more various and interesting than the present, and treated with equal ability. In what is now given, our readers will recognize the offspring of an acute, erudite, and philosophical mind.]

THE change which the political situation of Europe has undergone of late years, amounts to a complete disruption, of the pre-existing relations, between the states of that quarter of the world. Many of them have disappeared for ever; those which survive, mutilated, as they are, or shattered in their power, and connexions, bear a resemblance to half wrecked vessels; others have been created, but their constitution is feeble, and their existence eminently precarious. We see no longer, the old array of states, with that balance of strength and interests, the benefit of which was so sensibly felt, notwithstanding the imperfections of the system. The small number of real powers that remain, are now assailing each other, toto corpore regni, with efforts too mighty to be lasting. Every appearance indicates, that Europe has reached an epoch, which must give birth to a new series of events, not determinable by any of those old, and common-place ideas, to which the long succession of partial and gradually developed changes in a system of ancient date, had narrowed the reasonings of these latter ages.

What will be this new series of events?-this new order of things?

This question is equally fitted to startle the understanding, and to awaken curiosity, which no cause more powerfully excites, than the obscurity of the future, particularly when there attaches to what it may bring forth, a character of the highest importance. The understanding should be alarmed, because it is precisely then, that the most inflexible severity of judg ment is required, to estimate duly the weight of conjectures; that the imagination becomes more vigorously active, and her ascendancy over the other faculties of the mind, more absolute. Nevertheless, if such a question can be considered with

self-possession and sang froid, it must be clear, that some weight should be allowed, to conjectures dispassionately formed, and grounded on facts. Although, in exploring historical futurity, we are necessarily curtailed of essential means, as we know not, nor can know, what will be 'the decision of the human will in critical moments, nor the degree of genius and activity, of vice, or of virtue which posterity may have, yet there remain to us data sufficiently broad, upon which to build conjectures not unacceptable to sound reason. Did we possess the kind of knowledge just mentioned, all reasoning might be dispensed with:-futurity itself would be unveiled to our eyes.

On the most cursory survey of the annals of mankind, we must be struck with the influence, which certain circumstances exert, over the history and lot of nations. Their geographical situation, for instance, their social organization, the general bent of their institutions, their mode of life, their prevailing ideas, the necessary effects of changes either past or begun,all are so many fulcra, as it were, for predictions more or less rational, not indeed concerning the particular events of futurity, but as to general results. It was not difficult to foresee, some time before the appearance of Cæsar, that the Roman power would become monarchical. At a subsequent period, it was easy to divine, that the growth of the spirit of commerce, would undermine the feudal system. More than three centuries ago, (as we shall note hereafter) the train was set, for the conflagration, which is now devastating Europe. Since the middle of the last, this catastrophe was distinctly predicted. Nothing was wanting but a violent shock, to light up the combustibles, and afford scope for the extension of the flame. The fall of the French monarchy supplied materials and means. In reading the remarks and reflections of the great political writers concerning human events, it is abundantly evident, that the history of nations is, in reality

A mighty maze, but not without a plan.

Let me then be permitted to indulge myself,-without pretending in any manner to the spirit of prophecy,-in conjecturing, from the condition in which Europe was, not long since, and from the nature of the convulsion by which she is now rent, what may be the general result;-what her future situation. I sincerely wish, that many others would occupy themselves in speculating, with proper method, on the same important subject. The chances of complete success, would be proportionably increased. To be the less liable to error, we should endeavour to suppress all those emotions, which the spectacle of

good or evil actions naturally excites in a feeling heart. Our business is, to ascertain,-as far as this is practicable for human reason, what will be, not, what ought to be; history shows us, in every page, that guilt may be triumphant, and virtue unfortunate. All truly religious men must be, moreover persuaded, that this lower world is not the theatre of final rewards, and punishments. To see the clearer into future history, we should enter upon our research, in the same disposition of mind as that, with which the naturalist examines the eruption of a volcano, or the effects of an earthquake.

Such, in a few words, are my purpose and my arts of divination; I pretend to no higher degree of magic: hæc mea sunt veneficia.

Past State of Europe.

During the thirteen centuries, which elapsed from the fall of the Western Empire until our day, the state of Europe was, in some sort, but a gradual development of that great event. No general catastrophe, such as the present convulsion appears to be, had occurred to alter its direction. The nations that broke in upon the empire, had, after dividing its territory, incorpo rated themselves with the vanquished. Then were sketched out the first lineaments, of that system, which presented the different nations of Europe, as one great commonwealth, united by common interests and contradistinguished from the rest of mankind, by a community of ideas and manners. Throughout the period I have just mentioned, the nature and sequence of events, aided in evolving those features, the chief of which I shall now endeavour to trace.

Geographical circumstances contributed to the formation of the Roman Empire. The position of Rome and the Italian Peninsula, in the centre of the Mediterranean, placed all the coasts of that sea, within the sphere of her domestic power. Thus, this empire should be regarded as the empire of the Mediterranean, and the work of its form. Geographical circumstances, in like manner, rendered the partition of the empire inevitable. Rome extended her conquests too far from the coasts of the sea, to which she was indebted for her means of domination, and it became impossible for her, to act upon all her new dependencies, through a direct emanation of her power, from the original point of exertion. Hence resulted the need of several cotemporary Emperors and Cæsars, and hence, at length, the necessity of dividing the empire. It was Britain, Germany, Dacia, Pannonia, that made these arrangements indispensable. Even in the state of weakness and

barbarism in which they then were, Nature had laid them under a geographical impossibility of belonging to Rome; for, there are limits assigned by her, to the sphere of dominion, of every existing power. With respect to governments, these limits are to be found in physical geography.

The same paramount law of locality had a material agency, in the formation of the states of modern Europe,-it traced their boundaries, and allotted their parts in the great Drama. Europe is an immense peninsula composed of other peninsulas; it is divided by nature into different, and strongly-marked members. To no purpose did the barbarous nations partition it out, among themselves, into states, heedless of any consideration but their respective forces and victories: Nature modified their work by degrees, and it fashioned, according to the limits she herself had described. Wherever events have interfered, to prevent a geographical member of Europe from being a separate state, she has done more;-since she has never failed, in spite of the multiplicity, or the arbitrary divisions of its masters, to make it but one nation. This operation of Nature contending against the views of governments, may be remarked at every step in the history of Modern Europe. We every where find the nations consolidating themselves in her frames; dynasties and states, agitated, beating against, and destroying each other like the waves of the ocean, but yet finishing, by assuming the forms she had thus destined for them. Spain, Italy, France, Great Britain, Germany, Scandinavia, Greece, must be regarded, not as arbitrary sections, but as nations shaped by her hand. They are so now, they have ever been such, and we should believe, that they ever will be the same.

The nations raised upon the ruins of the Empire of the West, were founded by barbarous and warlike hordes, who rushed thither in military bands. These nations had chiefs rather than masters: when they settled down, they found themselves naturally moulded into limited monarchies. The lands which they acquired, were distributed among the chiefs, according to their respective importance, and among the soldiers who continued to bear arms, when this was necessary; and it was very often necessary, for, in war, they could not trust to the fidelity of the vanquished, whose courage, moreover, they held in no esteem. This armed nobility served to support, and also to control the monarchical rule. Hence it acquired a spirit of haughtiness, and independence, and laid as much stress upon mutual esteem, as upon the favour of the monarch. This is what has been called, honour, a sentiment which appertains, exclusively, to the monarchical manners of Europe,