historian Dion also records as having suffered the same Flaminius Vacca tells quite a different story, and says accident as is alluded to by the orator. The question he had heard the wolf with the twins was found near agitated by the antiquaries is, whether the wolf now the arch of Septimius Severus. The commentator ou in the conservator's palace is that of Livy and Diony-Winkelmann is of the same opinion with that learned sius, or that of Cicero, or whether it is neither one person, and is incensed at Nardini for not having renor the other. The earlier writers differ as much as marked that Cicero, in speaking of the wolf struck the moderns: Lucius Faunus' says that it is the one with lightning in the Capitol, makes use of the past alluded to by both, which is impossible, and also by tense. But, with the Abate's leave, Nardini does not Virgil, which may be. Fulvius Ursinus 3 calls it the positively assert the statue to be that mentioned by Ciwolf of Dionysius, and Marlianus4 talks of it as the one cero, and, if he had, the assumption would not perhaps mentioned by Cicero. To him Rycquius tremblingly | have been so exceedingly indiscreet. The Abate himassents. Nardini is inclined to suppose it may be oneself is obliged to own that there are marks very like the of the many wolves preserved in ancient Rome; but of scathing of lightning in the hinder legs of the present the two rather bends to the Ciceronian statue, Mont-wolf! and to get rid of this, adds, that the wolf seen by faucon 7 mentions it as a point without doubt. Of the Dionysius might have been also struck by lightning, or later writers, the decisive Winkelmann8 proclaims it as otherwise injured. having been found at the church of St Theodore, where, or near where, was the temple of Romulus, and consequently makes it the wolf of Dionysius. His authority is Lucius Faunus, who, however, only says that it was placed, not found, at the Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, by which he does not seem to allude to the church of Saint Theodore. Rycquius was the first to make the mistake, and Winkelmann followed Ryc-does not say that the wolf was consumed: and Dion quius. only mentions that it fell down, without alluding, as Let us examine the subject by a reference to the words of Cicero. The orator in two places seems to particularize the Romulus and the Remus, especially the first, which his audience remembered to have been in the Capitol, as being struck by lightning. In his verses he records that the twins and wolf both fell, and that the latter left behind the marks of her feet. Cicero inauratum in Capitolio parvam atque lactantem, uberibus lupinis the Abate has made him, to the force of the blow, or inbiantem fuisse meministis. In Catilin. iii, 8. Hie sylvestris erat Romani nominis altrix De Consulatu, lib. ii. (lib. i. de Divinat. cap. ii.) the firmness with which it had been fixed. The whole strength, therefore, of the Abate's argument, hangs upon the past tense; which, however, may be somewhat diminished by remarking that the phrase only shows that the statue was not then standing in its former position. Winkelmann has observed, that the present twins are modern; and it is equally clear that there are marks of gilding on the wolf, which might therefore be supposed to make part of the ancient group. It is known that the sacred images of the Capitol were not destroyed or even injured by time or accident, but were put into certain underground depositories called favissa. It may be thought possible that the wolf had been so deposited, and had been replaced 689. The Abate Fea, in noticing this passage of Dion (Storia delle in some conspicuous situation when the Capitol was rearti, etc., tom. 1, p. 203, note x.), says, Non ostante, aggiunge Dione, built by Vespasian. Rycquius, without mentioning his che fosse benfermata (the wolf), by which it is clear the Abate trans-authority, tells, that it was transferred from the Comilated the Xylandro-Leuclavian version, which puts quamvis stabilita for the original toponévy, a word that does not mean ben-fermata, but only raised, as may be distinctly seen from another passage of the Same Dion : Η βουληθη μὲν οὖν ὁ Αγρίππας καὶ τὸν εὐYOUSTOV ÉvTabla topical. Hist. lib. lvi. Dion says that Agrippa wished to raise a statue of Augustus in the Pantheon." Dion. Hist. lib. xxxvii, pag. 37. edit. Rob. Steph. 1548. He goes on to mention that the letters of the columns on which the laws were written were liquified and become ά. All that the Romans did was to erect a large statue to Jupiter, looking towards the east: no mention is afterwards made of the wolf. This happened in A. U. C. tium to the Lateran, and thence brought to the Capitol. If it was found near the arch of Severus, it may have been one of the images which Orosius3 says was thrown | down in the Forum by lightning when Alaric took the city. That it is of very high antiquity the workman- | 3. In eadem porticu ænea lupa, cujus uberibus Romulus ac Remus lactantes inhiant, conspicitur: de hac Cicero et Virgilius semper intel-ship is a decisive proof; and that circumstance induced lexere. Livius hoc signum ab Edilibus ex pecuniis quibus mulctati Winkelmann to believe it the wolf of Dionysius. The essent fœneratores, p situm innuit. Antea in Comitiis ad Ficum Capitoline wolf, however, may have been of the same Ruminalem, quo loco pueri fuerant expositi locatum pro certo est. » carly date as that at the temple of Romulus. LactanLuc. Fauni, de Antiq. Urb. Rom. lib. ii, cap, vii, ap. Sallengre, tius4 asserts that, in his time, the Romans worshipped a tom. i, p. 217. In his XVIIth chapter he repeats that the statues were there, but not that they were found there. wolf; and it is known that the Lupercalia held out to 3 Ap. Nardini, Roma Vetus, lib. v, cap. iv. 4 Marliani Urb. Rom. Topograph. lib. ii, cap. ix. He mentions another wolf and twins in the Vatican, lib. v, cap. xxi. Non desunt qui hanc ipsam esse putent, quam adpinximus, quæ e comitio in Basilicam Lateranam, cum nonnullis aliis antiquitatum reliquiis, atque hinc in Capitolium postea relata sit, quamvis Marlianus antiquam Capitolinam esse maluit a Tullio descriptam, cui ut in re nimis dubia, trepide assentimar.» Just. Ryoquii de Capit. Roman. Comm. cap. xxiv, pag. 250. edit. Lugd. Bat. 1696. 6 Nardini Roma Vetas, lib. v, cap. iv. «Lupa hodieque in capitolinis prostat ædibus, cum vestigio fulminis quo ictam narrat Cicero. Diarium Italic. tom. i, p. 174. * Storia delle arti, etc., lib. iii, cap. iii, sec. ii, note to. Winkelmann has made a strange blunder in the note, by saying the Ciceronian wolf was not in the Capitol, and that Dion was wrong in saying so. 3 See note to stanza LXXX in Historical Illustrations. << Romuli nutrix Lupa honoribus est affecta divinis, et ferrem si animal ipsum fuisset, cujus figuram gerit. Lactant, de falsa religione, lib. 1, cap. 20, pag. 101, edit. varior. 1660 ; that is to say, be would rather adore a wolf than a prostitute. His commentator bas observed, that the opinion of Livy concerning Laurentia being figured in this wolf was not universal. Strabo thought so. Ryequius is wrong in saying that Lactanfius mentions the wolf was in the Capitol a very late period after every other observance of the ancient superstition had totally expired. This may account for the preservation of the ancient image longer than the other early symbols of Paganism. It may be permitted, however, to remark that the wolf was a Roman symbol, but that the worship of that symbol is an inference drawn by the zeal of Lactantius. The early Christian writers are not to be trusted in the charges which they make against the pagans. Eusebius accused the Romans to their faces of worshipping Simon Magus, and raising a statue to him in the island of the Tyber. The Romans had probably never heard of such a person before, who however to play a considerable, though scandalous part in the church history, and has left several tokens of his aerial combat with St Peter at Rome; notwithstanding, that an inscription found in this very island of the Tyber, showed the Simon Magus of Eusebius to be a certain indigenal god, called Semo Sangus, or Fidius. came, Even when the worship of the founder of Rome had been abandoned, it was thought expedient to humour the habits of the good matrons of the city by sending them with their sick infants to the church of St Theodore, as they had before carried them to the temple of Romulus.3 The practice is continued to this day; and the site of the above church seems to be thereby identified with that of the temple: so that if the wolf had been really found there, as Winkelmann says, there would be no doubt of the present statue being that seen by Dionysius.4 But Faunus, in saying that it was at the Ficus Ruminalis by the Comitium, is only talking of its ancient position as recorded by Pliny; and even if he had been remarking where it was found, would not have alluded to the church of St Theodore, but to a very different place, near which it was then thought the Ficus Ruminalis had been, and also the Comitium; that is, the three columns by the church of Santa Maria Liberatrice, at the corner of the Palatine looking on the Forum. It is, in fact, a mere conjecture where the image was actually dug up,5 and, perhaps, on the whole, the marks 'To A. D. 496. - Quis credere possit,» says Baronius (Ann. Eccles. bom. viii, pag. 602, in an. 496), viguisse adhuc Romæ ad Gelasii tempora, quæ fuere ante exordia urbis allata in Italiam Lupercalia?" Gelasius wrote a letter which occupies four folio pages to Andromachus, the senator, and others to show that the rites should be given up. of the gilding, and of the lightning, are a better argu- « Geminos buic ubera circum for the Roman's mind It is possible to be a very great man, and to be still very inferior to Julius Caesar, the most complete character, so Lord Bacon thought, of all antiquity. Nature seems incapable of such extraordinary combinations as composed his versatile capacity, which was the wonder even of the Romans themselves. The first general— the only triumphant politician-inferior to none in eloquence-comparable to any in the attainments of wisdom, in an age made up of the greatest commanders, statesmen, orators, and philosophers, that ever appeared in the world-an author who composed a perfect specimen of military annals in his travelling-carriage-at one time in a controversy with Cato, at another writing a treatise on punning, and collecting a set of good sayings-fighting3 and making love at the same moment, and willing to abandon both his empire and his mistress for a sight of the fountains of the Nile. Such did Julius Cæsar appear to his contemporaries, and to those of the subsequent ages who were the most inclined to deplore and execrate his fatal genius. But we must not be so much dazzled with his sur passing glory, or with his magnanimous, his amiable qualities, as to forget the decision of his impartial countrymen: HE WAS JUSTLY SLAIN.4 lactantis, quam hodie in Capitolio videmus.» Olai Borrichi antiqua Urbis Romanæ facies, cap. x. See also cap. xii. Borrichius wrote after Nardini in 1687. Ap. Græv, Antiq. Rom. tom. iv, p. 1522. Donatus, lib. xi, cap. 18, gives a medal representing on one side the wolf in the same position as that in the Capitol; and in the reverse the wolf with the bead not reverted. It is of the time. of Antoninus Pius. 2 Æneid. viii, 631. See Dr Middleton, in his Letter from Rome, who inclines to the Ciceronian wolf, but without examining the subject. In his tenth book, Lucan shows him sprinkled with the blood * Eusebius has these words; zai dvoptávτi пap' Úμiv of Pharsalia in the arms of Cleopatra: Sanguine Thessalica cladis perfusus adulter 1. In essa gli antichi pontefici per toglier la memoria de' giuochi Lupercali istituiti in onore di Romolo, introdussero l'uso di portarvi Bambini oppressi da infermità occulte, acciò si liberino per l'intercessione di questo Santo, come di continuo si sperimenta. Rione xii. Ripa, accurata e saccinta descrizione, etc., di Roma Moderna dell' Ab. Ridolf. Venuti, 1766. Nardini, lib. v, cap. ii, convicts Pomponius Lætus crassi erroris, in patting the Ruminal fig-tree at the church of Saint Theodore; bat as Livy says the wolf was at the Ficus Ruminalis, and Dionysus at the temple of Romalus, he is obliged (cap. iv) to own that the two were close together, as well as the Lupercal cave, shaded, as it were, by the fig-tree. Ad comitiam ficas olim Ruminalis germinabat, sub qua lupa rumam, hoc est, mammam, docente Varrone, suxerant olim Romulus et Remas; non procul a templo hodie D. Maria Liberatricis appellato, abi ferian inventa nobilis illa ænea statua lupa geminos puerulos Spes sit mihi certa videndi Immediately afterwards, he is fighting again and defending every position: Sed adest defensor ubique Cæsar, et hos aditus gladiis, hos ignibus arcut. .. Ceca nocte carinis Insiluit Cæsar semper feliciter usus Præcipiti cursu bellorum et tempore rapto.» 4 Jure cæsus existimetur, says Suetonius, after a fair estimation of his character, and making use of a phrase which was a formula in Livy's time-« Melium jure cæsum pronuntiavit, etiam si regni crimine insons fuerit» (lib. iv, cap. 48); and which was continued in the legal judgments pronounced in justifiable homicides, such as killing house-breakers. See Sueton. in vit. C. J. Cæsaris, with the commentary of Pitiscus, p. 184. Note 48. Stanza xciii. What from this barren being do we reap? Our senses narrow, and our reason frail. «. . . . Omnes pene veteres ; qui nihil cognosci, nihil percipi, nihil sciri posse dixerunt; angustos sensus; imbecilles animos, brevia curricula vitæ; in profundo veritatem demersam; opinionibus et institutis omnia teneri ; nihil veritati relinqui ; deinceps omnia tenebris circumfusa esse dixerunt.» The eighteen hundred years which have elapsed since Cicero wrote this have not removed any of the imperfections of humanity: and the complaints of the ancient philosophers may, without injustice or affectation, be transcribed in a poem written yesterday. Note 49. Stanza xcix. There is a stern round tower of other days. Alluding to the tomb of Cecilia Metella, called Capo di Bove, in the Appian Way. See Historical Illustrations of the IVth Canto of Childe Harold. Note 50. Stanza cii. prophetic of the doom Heaven gives its favourites-early death. ἂν οἱ θεοὶ φιλοῦσιν, ἀποθνήσκει νέος. Τὸ γὰρ θανεῖν οὐκ αἰσχρὸν, ἀλλ ̓ αἰσχρῶς θανεῖν. Rich. Franc. Phil. Brunck. Poeta Gnomici, p. 231. edit. 1784. Note 51. Stanza cvii. Behold the Imperial Mount! The Palatine is one mass of ritios, particularly on the side towards the Circus Maximus. The very soil is formed of crumbled brick-work. Nothing has been told, nothing can be told, to satisfy the belief of any but a Roman antiquary.-See Historical Illustrations, page 206. Note 52. Stanza cviii. There is the moral of all human tales; Note 53. Stanza cx. --and apostolic statues climb To crush the imperial urn, whose ashes slept sublime. The column of Trajan is surmounted by St Peter, that of Aurelius by St Paul. See Historical Illustrations of the IVth Canto, etc. Note 54. Stanza cxi. Trajan was proverbially the best of the Roman princes: and it would be easier to find a sovereign uniting exactly the opposite characteristics, than one possessed of all the happy qualities ascribed to this em peror. «When he mounted the throne,» says the historian Dion, «< he was strong in body, he was vigorous in mind; age had impaired none of his faculties; he was altogether free from envy and from detraction; he honoured all the good, and he advanced them; and on this account they could not be the objects of his fear or of his hate; he never listened to informers; he gave not way to his anger; he abstained equally from unfair exactions and unjust punishments; he had rather be loved as a man than honoured as a sovereign; he was affable with his people, respectful to the serrate, and universally beloved by both; he inspired none with dread but the enemies of his country.»> Note 55. Stanza cxiv. The name and exploits of Rienzi must be familiar to Some details and inedited mathe reader of Gibbon. nuscripts, relative to this unhappy hero, will be seen in the Illustrations of the IVth Canto. Note 56. Stanza cxv. Egeria! sweet creation of some heart Which found no mortal resting-place so fair The respectable authority of Flaminius Vacca would incline us to believe in the claims of the Egerian grotto.3 He assures us that he saw an inscription in the pavement, stating that the fountain was that of Egeria dedi a Roman. The author of the Life of Cicero, speaking of the opinion entertained of Britain by that orator and his contemporary Romans, has the following eloquent pas-made for his release. The French minister continued to detain him, sage: «From their railleries of this kind, on the bar- under the pretext that he was not an Englishman, but only See Interesting facts relating to Joachim Murat, pag. 139. barity and misery of our island, one cannot help re- Hujus tantum memoriæ delatum est, ut, usque ad nostram ætaflecting on the surprising fate and revolutions of king-tem non aliter in Senatu principibus acclamatur, nisi, FELICIOR, AVdoms, how Rome, once the mistress of the world, the seat of arts, empire, and glory, now lies sunk in sloth, ignorance, and poverty, enslaved to the most cruel as well as to the most contemptible of tyrants, superstition, and religious imposture: while this remote country, anciently the jest and contempt of the polite Romans, is become the happy seat of liberty, plenty, and letters; flourishing in all the arts and refinements of civil life; yet running perhaps the same course which Rome it self had run before it, from virtuous industry to wealth; from wealth to luxury; from luxury to an impatience of discipline, and corruption of morals: till, by a total degeneracy and loss of virtue, being grown ripe for destruction, it fall a prey at last to some hardy oppressor, and, with the loss of liberty, losing every thing that is valuable, sinks gradually again into its original barbarism.»> 2 Academ. 1. 13. The History of the Life of M. Tullius Cicero, sect. vi, vol. ii, pag. 102. The contrast has been reversed in a late extraordinary instance. A gentleman was thrown into prison at Paris; efforts were vro. MELIOR. TRAJANO. Eutrop. Brev. Hist. Rom. lib. viii, cap. v. 3. Poco lontano dal detto luogo si scende ad un casaletto, del quale ne sono Padroni li Cafarelli, che con questo nome è chiamato il luogo; vi è una fontana sotto una gran volta antica, che al presente si gode, eli Romani vi vanno l'estate a ricrearsi; nel pavimento di essa fonte si legge in un epitaffio essere quella la fonte di Egeria, dedicata alle ninfe, e questa, dice l'epitaftio, essere la medesima fonte in cui fu convertita. Memorie, etc., ap. Nardini, pag. 13. He does not give the description. cated to the nymphs. The inscription is not there at this day; but Montfaucon quotes two lines of Ovid from a stone in the Villa Giustiniani, which he seems to think had been brought from the same grotto. This grotto and valley were formerly frequented in summer, and particularly the first Sunday in May, by the modern Romans, who attached a salubrious quality to the fountain which trickles from an orifice at the bottom of the vault, and, overflowing the little pools, creeps down the matted grass into the brook below. The brook is the Ovidian Almo, whose name and lities are lost in the modern Aquataccio. The valley itself is called Valle di Caffarelli, from the dukes of that name who made over their fountain to the Pallavicini, with sixty rubbia of adjoining land. qua There can be little doubt that this long dell is the Egerian valley of Juvenal, and the pausing place of Umbricius, notwithstanding the generality of his commentators have supposed the descent of the satirist and his friend to have been into the Arician grove, where the nymph met Hippolitus, and where she was more peculiarly worshipped. The step from the Porta Capena to the Alban hill, fifteen miles distant, would be too considerable, unless we were to believe in the wild conjecture of Vossius, who makes that gate travel from its present station, where he pretends it was during the reign of the Kings, as far as the Arician grove, and then makes it recede to its old site with the shrinking city. The tufo, or pumice, which the poet prefers to marble, is the substance composing the bank in which the grotto is sunk. The modern topographers 3 find in the grotto the statue of the nymph and nine niches for the Muses, and a late traveller has discovered that the cave is restored to that simplicity which the poet regretted had been exchanged for injudicious ornament. But the headless statue is palpably rather a male than a nymph, and has the valley of Egeria, where were several artificial caves. It is clear that the statues of the Muses made no part of the decoration which the satirist thought misplaced in these caves; for he expressly assigns other fanes (delubra) to these divinities above the valley, and moreover tells us, that they had been ejected to make room for the Jews. In fact, the little temple, now called that of Bacchus was formerly thought to belong to the Muses, and Nardini places them in a poplar grove, which was in his time above the valley. It is probable, from the inscription and position, that the cave now shown may be one of the « artificial caverns,» of which, indeed, there is another a little way higher up the valley, under a tuft of alder bushes: but a single grotto of Egeria is a mere modern invention, grafted upon the application of the epithet Egerian to these nymphea in general, and which might send us to look for the haunts of Numa upon the banks of the Thames. Our English Juvenal was not seduced into mistranslation by his acquaintance with Pope: he carefully preserves the correct plural 2 Thence slowly winding down the vale, we view The Egerian grots; oh how unlike the true!» The valley abounds with springs, and over these springs, which the Muses might haunt from their neighbouring groves, Egeria presided: hence she was said to supply them with water; and she was the nymph of the grottos through which the fountains were taught to flow. The whole of the monuments in the vicinity of the Egerian valley have received names at will, which have been changed at will. Venuti 3 owns he can see no Diana, which Nardini found, or hoped to find. The traces of the temples of Jove, Saturn, Juno, Venus, and mutatorium of Caracalla's circus, the temple of Honour and Virtue, the temple of Bacchus, and, above all, the spair. none of the attributes ascribed to it at present visible. temple of the god Rediculus, are the antiquary's deThe nine Muses could hardly have stood in six niches; and Juvenal certainly does not allude to any individual cave. Nothing can be collected from the satirist but that somewhere near the Porta Capena was a spot in which it was supposed Numa held nightly consultations with his nymph, and where there was a grove and a sacred fountain, and fanes once consecrated to the Muses; and that from this spot there was a descent into In villa Justiniana extat ingens lapis quadratus solidus in quo sculpta hæc duo Ovidii carmina sunt Ægeria est quæ præbet aquas dea grata Camoenis. Qui lapis videtur ex eodem Egeriæ fonte, aut ejus vicinia isthuc comportatus. Diarium Italic. p. 153. * De magnit. Vet. Rom. ap. Græv, Ant. Rom. tom. iv, p. 1507. 1 Echinard. Descrizione di Roma e dell' agro Romano corretto dall' Alate Venuti in Roma, 1750. They believe in the grotto and nymph. Simulacro di questo fonte, essendovi scolpite le acque a pie di esso." 4 Classical Tour, chap. vi, p. 217. vol. ii. 3. Substitit ad veteres arcus, madidamque Capenam, The circus of Caracalla depends on a medal of that emperor shows a circus, supposed, however, by cited by Fulvius Ursinus, of which the reverse some to represent place of exercise. The soil has been but little raised, if the Circus Maximus. It gives a very good idea of that we may judge from the small cellular structure at the god Consus. This cell is half beneath the soil, as it end of the Spina, which was probably the chapel of the must have been in the circus itself, for Dionysius 4 could not be persuaded to believe that this divinity was the Roman Neptune, because his altar was under ground. Note 57. Stanza cxxvii. Yet let us ponder boldly. << At all events,» says the author of the Academical Questions, «I trust, whatever may be the fate of my own speculations, that philosophy will regain that estimation which it ought to possess. The free and philosophic spirit of our nation has been the theme of admiration to the world. This was the proud distinction of Englishmen, and the luminous source of all their glory. Shall we then forget the manly and dignified Lib. iii, cap. iii. Undique e solo aquæ scaturiunt. Nardini, lib. iii, cap. iii. Echinard, etc. Cic. cit. pp. 297-298. 4 Antiq. Rom. lib. ii, çap. xxxi. sentiments of our ancestors, to prate in the language of the mother or the nurse about our good old prejudices? This is not the way to defend the cause of truth. It was not thus that our fathers maintained it in the brilliant periods of our history. Prejudice may be trusted to guard the outworks for a short space of time while reason slumbers in the citadel but if the latter sink into a lethargy, the former will quickly erect a standard for herself. Philosophy, wisdom, and liberty, support each other; he who will not reason, is a bigot; he who cannot, is a fool; and he who dares not, is a slave.» Preface, p. xiv, xv, vol. i. 1805. Note 58. Stanza cxxxii. -- great Nemesis! Here, where the ancient paid thee homage long. We read in Suetonius that Augustus, from a warning received in a dream, counterfeited once a-year the beggar, sitting before the gate of his palace, with his hand hollowed and stretched out for charity. A statue formerly in the Villa Borghese, and which should be in that posture of emperor now at Paris, represents the supplication. The object of this self-degradation was the appeasement of Nemesis, the perpetual attendant on good fortune, of whose power the Roman conquerors were also reminded by certain symbols attached to their cars of triumph. The symbols were the whip and the crotalo, which were discovered in the Nemesis of the Vatican. The attitude of beggary made the above statue pass for that of Belisarius and until the criticism of Winkelmann had rectified the mistake, one fiction was called in to support another. It was the same fear of the sudden termination of prosperity that made Amasis, king of Egypt, warn his friend Polycrates of Samos, that the gods loved those whose lives were chequered with good and evil fortunes. Nemesis was supposed to lie in wait particularly for the prudent: that is, for those whose caution rendered them accessible only to mere accidents; and her first altar was raised on the banks of the Phrygian Esepus by Adrastus, probably the prince of that name who killed the son of Croesus by mistake. Hence the goddess was called Adrastea. 3 5 The Roman Nemesis was sacred and august; there was a temple to her in the Palatine under the name of Rhamnusia: 4 so great indeed was the propensity of the ancients to trust to the revolution of events, and to believe in the divinity of fortune, that in the same Palatine there was a temple to the fortune of the day. This is the last superstition which retains its hold over the human heart; and from concentrating in one object the credulity so natural to man, has always appeared strongest in those unembarrassed by other articles of belief. The antiquaries have supposed this Sueton. in vit. Augusti, cap. 91. Casaubon, in the note, refers to Plutarch's Lives of Camillus and Æmilius Paulus, and also to his apophthegms, for the character of this deity. The hollowed hand was reckoned the last degree of degradation: and when the dead body of the præfect Rufinus was borne about in triumph by the people, the indignity was increased by putting his hand in that position. Storia delle arti, etc., lib. xii, cap. iii, tom. ii, p. 422. Visconti calls the statue, however, a Cybele. It is given in the Musco PioClement, tom. i, par. 40. The Abate Fea (Spiegazione dei Rami. Storia, etc., tom. iii, p. 513) calls it a Chrisippus. Dict. de Bayle, article Adrastea. 4 It is enumerated by the regionary Victor. << Fortunæ hujusce diei. Cicero mentions her, de legib. lib. ii. goddess to be synonymous with fortune and with fate : ' but it was in her vindictive quality that she was worshipped under the name of Nemesis. Note 59. Stanza cxl. I see before me the glaidiator lie. Whether the wonderful statue which suggested this image be a laquearian gladiator, which in spite of Winkelmann's criticism has been stoutly maintained, " or whether it be a Greek herald, as that great antiquary positively asserted, 3 or whether it is to be thought a Spartan or barbarian shield-bearer, according to the opinion of his Italian editor, 4 it must assuredly seem a copy of that master-piece of Ctesilaus which represented « a wounded man dying, who perfectly expressed what there remained of life in him.» 5 Montfaucon 6 and Maffei 7 thought it the identical statue; but that statue was of bronze. The gladiator was once in the villa Ludovizi, and was bought by Clement XII. The right arm is an entire restoration of Michael Angelo. 8 Note 60. Stanza cxli. he, their sire, Butcher'd to make a Roman holiday. Gladiators were of two kinds, compelled and voluntary; and were supplied from several conditions; from slaves sold for that purpose; from culprits; from barbarian captives either taken in war, and, after being led in triumph, set apart for the games, or those seized and condemned as rebels; also from free citizens, some fighting for hire (auctorati), others from a depraved ambition: at last even knights and senators were exhibited, a disgrace of which the first tyrant was naturally the first inventor. 9 In the end, dwarfs, and even women, fought; an enormity prohibited by Severus. Of these the most to be pitied undoubtedly were the barbarian captives; and to this species a Christian writer justly applies the epithet «innocent» to distinguish them DEAE NEMESI SIVE FORTVNE PISTORIVS RVGIANVS V. C. LEGAT. See Questiones Romanæ, etc., Ap. Græv. Antiq. Roman. tom. v, p. 942. See also Muratori, Nov. Thesaur. Inscript. Vet, tom, i, pp. 88, 89; where there are three Latin and one Greek inscription to Nemesis, and others to Fate. By the Abate Bracci, dissertazione sopra un clipco-votivo, etc. Preface, p. 7, who accounts for the cord round the neck, but not for the horn, which it does not appear the gladiators themselves ever used. Note (A) Storia delle arti, tom. ii, p. 205. 3 Either Polifontes, herald of Laius, killed by OEdipus; or Cepreas, herald of Euritheus, killed by the Athenians when he endea voured to drag the Heraclide from the altar of mercy, and in whose honour they instituted annual games continued to the time of Hadrian; or Anthemocritus, the Athenian berald, killed by the Megarenses, who never recovered the impiety. See Storia delle arti, etc., tom. ii. pp. 203, 204, 205, 206, 207. lib. ix, cap. ii. 4 Storia, etc., tom. ii. p. 207. Not. (A.) 5 Vulneratum deficientem fecit in quo possit intelligi quantum restat animæ. Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xxxiv, cap. 8. Antiq. tom. iii. par. 2. tab. 155, Racc. stat. tab. 64. Mus. Capitol. tom. iii, p. 154. edit. 1755. 9 Julius Cæsar, who rose by the fall of the aristocracy, brought Furius Leptinus and A. Calenus upon the arena. 10 Tertullian; certe quidem et innocentes gladiatores in ludum veniunt, ut voluptatis publica hostia fiant. Just. Lips. Saturn. Sermon. lib. ii, cap. iii. |