will clearly sets forth his reliance on the Lord Jesus Christ alone for pardon and salvation.

Sir John Harrington, then a young man, rising into favour with the queen, who was his godmother, in a note written at the time, expressed high regard for the character of lord Burghley. He mentions hearing a grave reply of that great minister to Walsingham, when the latter made a jocular remark on Burghley's regularity in attending public worship: "I hold it meet for us to ask God's grace to keep us sound in heart, who have so much in our power, and to direct us to the welldoing of all the people, whom it is easy for us to injure and ruin; and herein, my good friends, the special blessing seemeth meet to be discreetly asked, and wisely worn." Harrington adds, "I did marvel at this good discourse, to see how a good man considereth his weighty charge, and striveth to keep out Satan from corrupting the heart in discharge of his duties. How few have such hearts or such heads! and therefore shall I note this for those that read hereafter."

The queen deeply felt the loss of her old and faithful councillor; she found herself in advancing years, and under increasing infirmities, obliged to look to younger, and far less discreet advisers. Among these the earl of Essex was one of the foremost; presuming on the favour Elizabeth felt towards him, he behaved like a spoiled child to an over-indulgent mother: the results remind in many respects of such a case, but being in public life, they were injurious to a wider circle.

Although the queen favoured the young courtiers, she intrusted her government to abler hands. Lord Buckhurst was appointed treasurer; but the chief direction of affairs rested upon sir Robert Cecil, as secretary of state. One, writing from the court about this period, says, "If my lord treasurer had lived longer, matters would go on surer. He was our great pilot, on whom all cast their eyes, and sought their safety." The strongest proof of this was, that lord Burghley sought direction from Him, "by whom alone kings reign, and princes decree justice."

The bad policy pursued by England in reference to Ireland, enabled the Spanish government and the popish party to keep up disaffection there. The restless spirit of popery found that island a suitable field for the employment of the Jesuits, who encouraged the Irish chieftains to resist the English government. It may be said of popery, that it found Ireland wretched, and has made it still more so; it has even prevented the due advance of civilization. These disaffected feelings were imbittered by the sweeping forfeitures of the lands belonging to Desmond, and other rebellious chieftains; large districts of which were bestowed upon the queen's favourites and on others, who merely engaged that one English family should be settled on every two hundred and forty acres, and that none of Irish origin should be admitted among the settlers. Thus the natives were driven into more compact bodies, while not half the scanty number of English colonists was introduced, and that broad line of demarcation was drawn between the original inhabitants and the great landowners, which has produced so much mischief in later times. Even at that period, this wrong policy caused such vexation and expense, that many statesmen thought Ireland had better be abandoned, only that the king of Spain would then possess it. A native chieftain, Hugh O'Neal, created by Elizabeth earl of Tyrone, revolted, and became the leader of his countrymen, who regarded him as the sovereign of Ulster. Instigated and aided by Spain, he successfully resisted the efforts of the English governors.

In August, 1598, O'Neal obtained a signal advantage near Blackwater, in Tyrone, when the queen resolved to make more vigorous efforts. Essex having expressed his willingness to undertake the command, both his friends and his enemies recommended the appointment; the latter hoping to take advantage of his absence from court. He was persuaded to make apologies for past conduct, and went to Ireland early in 1599, with considerable forces and extraordinary powers,

but effected little, wasting his strength in limited operations, till his troops were reduced so as to be unequal to a campaign against Tyrone, without reinforcements. These were sent, but the season was far advanced; he consented to a truce with the rebel leader till the following spring.

Finding that the queen was seriously displeased, while his enemies were busy against him, Essex hastened to England, and arrived at Nonsuch on September 28, when he hastened into the queen's apartment, just as he was, his dress soiled and disordered with travelling post. The queen received him more favourably than he expected; but in the latter part of the day, she sent him orders to confine himself to the rooms which he occupied, and expressed her anger to those who had accompanied him: she now habitually indulged in coarse and even profane language, when excited and highly displeased. A little reflection showed that Essex was much to blame in thus hastily leaving his post of duty. Harrington gives a lively description of his own reception. The privy council were directed to examine Essex; they severely censured his proceedings in the conduct of the war, and for quitting Ireland without leave. He was afterwards subjected to a fuller inquiry before commissioners: he was then removed from his offices, and ordered to remain a prisoner in his own house, till the queen should allow him to be at liberty.

Essex remained six months under this restraint, during which period he expressed himself with humility and contrition, declaring that he had done with ambitious projects, and all the vanities of this life. At times he seemed to be under deep religious feelings. But when allowed to leave his house, the queen forbade his appearing at court, and refused to continue a patent for the monopoly of sweet wines, by which he made considerable profit. Irritated at these proceedings, he concerted with some friends to go to court at the head of an armed party, when his enemies

might be removed by force, and access to the queen gained; the public support was to be gained by promising the reformation of evils in church and state. He communicated his plans to the king of Scotland, charging Cecil with an intention of bringing in a Spanish princess, as the successor to the throne. James had for some time acted with much duplicity, negotiating both with Elizabeth and the popish monarchs of the continent, to whom he professed himself inclined to adopt popery. He now prepared to assist Essex,

whose house in the Strand was the resort of a number of discontented characters, which was covered by the daily performance of Divine service there; but the attention of government being roused, open proceedings were hastily resolved upon.

On the morning of Sunday, February 8, 1601, the earls of Rutland and Southampton, with other friends of Essex, resorted to his house, in consequence of messages telling them that his life was threatened by lord Cobham and Raleigh. The lord keeper Egerton, chief justice Popham, and others, proceeded thither from court, being sent by the queen to inquire the cause of the proceedings going forward. After some altercation, Essex left these nobles in charge of a part of his followers, and hastened into the city, with about_two hundred men, calling upon the citizens to arm themselves. The principal citizens being usually assembled at that hour to hear the sermon at Paul's Cross, Essex hoped to have found them ready and willing to join him; but a message early in the morning, from the queen to the lord mayor, had put that officer on his guard. Essex was generally beloved; but the people neither understood the matter, nor followed him. plan having failed, he was intercepted at Ludgate on his return by a party of soldiers. A skirmish took place; Essex retreated by water to his own house, when he found that the noblemen whom he detained had been released. After a parley with a number of armed men, who invested the house, Essex surrendered, and

His

was conducted to the Tower, with the earl of Southampton. The queen evinced much courage and composure during this short but dangerous disturbance. Being told, while she sat at dinner, that the city had revolted, she appeared unmoved, only observing, "He that placed her in that seat would preserve her in it."

The earls of Essex and Southampton were tried for treason on the 19th of February, and found guilty. It is plain that it was a rash, ill-concerted design, undertaken in the hope of removing the principal advisers of Elizabeth, whom Essex considered to be his personal enemies, and resolved to effect his ruin; but he also thought to establish his own power, and to carry into effect measures of his own. The statement of Bacon, one of the queen's counsel at his trial, who conducted himself with moderation towards the prisoners, appears to convey a correct view of the case: 'to defend is lawful; but to rebel in defence is not lawful;" and that "Essex had planted a pretence, in his heart, against the government, but for excuse he laid the blame upon his particular enemies." Essex afterwards confessed that his plans were deeper laid, and extended further than he had admitted on his trial. The popularity of Essex caused some hesitation as to carrying the sentence into effect; the queen also was unwilling to order the death of one who had been her favourite, but his daring proceedings rendered it unsafe to allow him to survive. On the 25th he was beheaded in the court of the Tower. Southampton's life was spared, but he was kept a prisoner to the end of this reign. Only a few of the most active followers of Essex were executed.

The king of Scotland sent a special embassy to London, with instructions to communicate with the partisans of Essex, if they retained any influence, which was not the case. Cecil possessed the chief power; he knew that Elizabeth would not long survive; this led to overtures, the details of which are not known. It was agreed that Cecil should procure an addition to