The arrival of Philip caused some changes. He obtained the release of several prisoners, and sought to make himself popular by procuring more favourable treatment for the princess Elizabeth. This suited his own interests; she was next heir to the throne, if Mary had no children; while, if she were put aside, Mary, the queen of Scots, also queen of France, would succeed, which would prove a serious evil to Spain, by increasing the French power. The Spaniards frequently came into collision with the English populace during the autumn; some of the most violent on both sides were punished. The general behaviour of Philip did not conciliate his new subjects; he was haughty, reserved, and desirous of absolute power. The persecution of the Protestants still continued; but as yet it was chiefly on pretence of treason and sedition.

A parliament favourable to the queen's views was procured. The first act removed the attainder of cardinal Pole, who had been for some time in Flanders, waiting to return to England. He arrived on November 24. Three days after, there was a special sitting of the parliament. Philip sat on the right hand of the queen, next to him was Pole, wearing his cardinal's hat. He addressed the assembly at considerable length, stating the desire of the pope to receive the nation again into favour, upon their submission, and that he was willing to impart to them his blessing.

There was some debate upon this subject; but only one member, sir Ralph Bagnal, stood firmly to his principles. The rest besought the queen to intercede that the nation might be absolved; and on the following day, the legate made a long oration upon the unity of the church, urged the favours formerly bestowed upon the English nation, enjoined them to repeal all laws against popery, and granted full absolution to the members kneeling before him. At the same time, it was reported that the queen was with child; solemn processions and services were performed; this was, as

Strype expresses it, either a mistake or a deceit : but it strengthened the papists for the present.

The parliament next proceeded to restore popery. An act was passed, repealing all laws and proceedings against the papacy, since the year 1529. The queen relinquished her title of the supremacy; but the parliament, fearful that this was only a preliminary to compelling the restoration of the monastic establishments, required that the possession of the abbey lands should be confirmed to those persons by whom they were held. The pope desired that they should be eventually restored; but the possessors were, of course, unwilling to yield; and to have attempted to compel the restitution at that moment, would have effectually prevented the reconciliation with Rome.

Pole, therefore, granted a dispensation, allowing the "detainers" of these lands and goods still to possess them—a word which plainly showed that the claim was only suffered to remain dormant for a time. Sir William Petre, then secretary of state, aware of the intentions of the pope, the next year got a special bull, confirming to him the church lands he had bought. If restitution had been enforced, this might easily have been revoked or cancelled by some other infallible head of the church. It was evident that the popish clergy did not relinquish their hopes of being able to enforce the re-establishment of monkery.

The next act revived the old laws against heretics and Lollards. Hereby the cognizance of opinions in religion was again fully committed to the clergy: they could, by their own authority, arrest, imprison, or condemn, merely for matters of religious belief. Although the parliament at length thus complied with the queen's desires on the subject of religion, it was less tractable in other matters. The members steadily resisted giving Philip regal power, refusing also to aid the emperor against the French king; while the queen desired that Philip should be declared presumptive heir to the crown.

The parliament rose, January 16, 1555, when public rejoicings were ordered, for that "the realm was restored again under God's favour, and the unity of the holy mother church." Bonner, with many bishops and other ecclesiastics, went in solemn and public procession, thus rejoicing that men were again to be burned for their religion! The bigoted papists re-. joiced; but the larger portion of the nation looked on with fearful apprehensions of what was to come. Even to pray that the queen's heart might be turned from idolatry to the true faith was considered as treason, and those who used such expressions were to be hanged, drawn, and quartered. Many Romish books were printed and circulated, while the use of the English Bible was forbidden.

The time was now come when characters of the first reputation for integrity, piety, learning, and moral worth, might be brought before a tribunal of popish priests, and questioned on any of the numerous points of erroneous doctrines set forth by the church of Rome, when, if they refused to recognise these as the truth, the alternative, "turn or burn," was proposed to them. The dread sentence was soon carried into effect; neither judge, witness, nor jury, was allowed to interfere, or called upon in reference to the matter.

On January 22, 1555, scarcely a week after the acts renewing persecutions for religion came into force, Gardiner commenced the proceedings under the revived laws against heresy, in his consistorial court, a building yet remaining at the east end of the church of St. Saviour's, in Southwark. It was resolved to select such victims, and to execute them in such a manner, as might make a general impression. Hooper, bishop of Gloucester; Rogers, vicar of St. Sepulchre's, London, who had assisted in the first edition of the Engfish Bible; Cardmaker, prebendary of Wells; Taylor, vicar of Hadleigh, in Suffolk; Saunders, formerly a clergyman of Coventry; Bradford, formerly of Manchester, then prebendary of St. Paul's-all popular

characters and highly esteemed preachers, were the victims selected for the first sacrifices. The tests proposed to them were, the pope's supremacy and the doctrine of transubstantiation. It is to be remarked, how carefully the papists kept out of sight, and avoided discussion on the main subject of difference between their church and the Protestants, the doctrine of justification by faith, though, in fact, it was involved in the questions brought forward. The examinations were not prolonged. Bradford was respited for a short time; also Cardmaker, whom the Romanists thought they could induce to turn. The others were condemned without delay, and delivered to the secular power. Rogers and Hooper were detained till it was dark, but a rumour got abroad that they were to be led to Newgate from Southwark, where they had been imprisoned and condemned. The streets were crowded with persons who came out of their doors with lights, entreating the blessing of these confessors, and praying that they might be able to remain stedfast unto

the end.

On the morning of the fourth of February, Rogers was awakened, and told to prepare for the stake. After a few hours he was carried past his own church, St. Sepulchre's, near Newgate, where his wife and eleven children stood to take their last farewell. He was burned in Smithfield. Hooper was taken to Gloucester, and burned before his own cathedral. Saunders was taken to Coventry, where he suffered the same cruel death. Taylor, who had been exceedingly popular in Suffolk, was sent to Hadleigh, his own town, where he had manfully testified against the restoration of popery. The simple and minute record of his journey and sufferings yet remains; it has drawn tears from many a reader, and bears an irrefragable testimony against popery. A large stone, with a rude inscription, on Aldham common, marks the spot were Taylor suffered.