the courts were not so pure as they are now, Somerset's interference would often be needed by the oppressed. Cecil, afterwards lord Burghley, who was appointed secretary of state in September, 1550, was originally the master of requests, attending to these complaints under the direction of Somerset himself.

The proceedings of the protector were popular; thereby he displeased his political adversaries, who were determined to take away his power: many withdrew from the court, then at Hampton, but continued in London with their retainers, secretly armed, and privately consulting how they should proceed. Early in October, 1549, Somerset caused proclamations to be issued, urging the people to assemble and protect their monarch; and he conveyed the king to Windsor, accompanied only by Cranmer, Paget, and Smith, who were rather personal friends than supporters of his power. They meditated with the rest of the council; the preparations on both sides for a contest by force were discontinued; the party of Somerset proved to be the weakest. Russell and Herbert, who were in Wiltshire with some troops, lately employed in suppressing the western insurgents, refused to join the protector, and stayed the people from obeying his proclamations. The council being invited to Windsor, proceeded thither, and from thence they committed Somerset to the Tower. Several articles of misconduct were alleged against him; the one most influential with the nobility, was a charge of siding with the people relative to the late commotions. He submitted, gave up his superior authority, was released, and shortly after resumed his place in the council, strengthening himself by the marriage of his daughter with the son of Dudley, the earl of Warwick. That nobleman now exercised the chief authority. Warwick found the king strongly attached to the principles of the Reformation. He, therefore, fell in with the measures already adopted, and allowed Cranmer to proceed further,

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though the habits in which he indulged himself and his attendants, showed his disregard of real religion.

Laudable encouragement was given to the foreign Reformers. Peter Martyr was settled at Oxford, as professor of divinity; Bucerand Fagius were placed at Cambridge. The universities were visited, and popery repressed. Cranmer saw that it was most important that the universities, wherein the instructors of the realm were to be nurtured, should be purified from error, and provided with teachers able to instruct in the truth. He had also to withstand the rapacity of the leading political characters of the day, who were anxious to appropriate a large part of the revenues of the universities. The attention of the foreigners was especially directed to the national ritual. Another edition of the liturgy was set forth in 1552. In several respects it was freed from popish errors; but Strype states, that in some instances, particularly as to the sacrament of baptism, undefined expressions were used, chiefly at the instance of Bucer, contrary to the recommendation of Melancthon and others.

The principal points in which the Reformed differs from the Roman liturgies are considered to be as follows: 1. The service is in the language understood by the people. 2. Chapters from the Bible are read instead of the legends of saints, most of which are false. 3. The service is read aloud, so as to be understood and followed by the people. 4. The Ave Mary and addresses to the Virgin are omitted. 5. Also prayers for the dead. 6. Also prayers to the saints, and several superstitious forms in consecrating different articles. To these should be added, 7. The elevation and adoration of the consecrated bread, in the belief that it is changed actually into Christ's body, by four words muttered by the priest.

A Primer, or collection of private prayers, was also prepared, intended to assist all who desired the aid of such a manual. In many respects it is a valuable

work; on some points it sets forth the doctrines of the Reformers with more clearness than the public formularies.

We have not hesitated to disapprove of the course pursued by Cranmer and other leading Protestants towards the Romanists, and others who were considered heretics; nor may we leave uncensured the efforts to enforce uniformity upon another and more estimable class of men, who, like themselves, had suffered under the scourge of popery, who agreed with the leading Reformers in doctrinal views, but desired to separate themselves more fully from popery and its ceremonial observances. Hooper was troubled on this head; being appointed to the bishopric of Gloucester, he scrupled at some of the gorgeous dresses then used by the bishops-in particular, the long scarlet cimarre, which retained the livery of that apostate church by whom these trappings had been devised; he also objected to part of the oaths administered at consecration to the episcopal office, by which he was required to swear by "the saints." Compliance was required, but Hooper chose rather to be imprisoned than to offend his conscience. This unseemly variance between the true shepherds of the flock did not continue long. A compromise was effected. Hooper listened to the counsel of his friends, and submitted on some points, while the main object was attained by the revision of the services, and the laying aside of the most offensive matters to which he objected; the king himself struck the words, "the saints," out of the form of the oath. Hooper proved a valuable and exemplary bishop; the church would have sustained injury had it not obtained his services. It is painful to find, that even to the end of this reign, Cranmer, and those who acted with him, thought of repressing error, reckoning as such whatever differed from their own views, by legal enactments and commissions of inquiry, which caused a degree of persecution, though very different from the bloody acts of popery. However, the Reformers continued active in

the use of right means to enlighten the people, by diffusing the knowledge of the truth.

The reign of Edward vi. is remarkable for the open declaration of religious principles, manifested in the public documents and proceedings. In July, 1551, the sweating sickness prevailed, when a proclamation was set forth, imputing that scourge to the wickedness of the nation, and urging prayer and amendment of life: the expressions used show that the real piety of the promoters of the Reformation then had influence in the affairs of state.

Somerset lost much of his power as well as his property, including the splendid palace he was building in the Strand, from the spoils of monastic establishments. Several of these in the metropolis were demolished, to supply materials for Somerset-house, which caused the removal of the remains of many human bodies, a proceeding which always is unpopular. In disinterring these bones, many caskets were found, with pardons from the pope for the sins of the deceased, which had been purchased in the vain hope of serving as passports to heavenly happiness!

Warwick, jealous of his recently acquired power, renewed the proceedings against Somerset. His own aggrandizement and elevation to be duke of Northumberland made him fearful of his rival: the more so, as he contemplated further ambitious projects which Somerset must oppose. Northumberland caused him to be arrested and tried for treason, on the information of some who alleged that they were concerned in his projects. The peers acquitted Somerset of any treasonable designs, but condemned him to death for plotting against a privy councillor. It appears that Somerset neglected the advice of the more moderate of his old friends, and listened to some who advised violent proceedings against Northumberland. The king was misled by false reports of Somerset's conduct, while his attendants amused him with the festivities of the season, that he might not fully consider the awful question of

his uncle's life or death. Some of these amusements were introduced on the Lord's day. The principles of the youthful Edward ought to have put him on his guard against those who sought thus to lead him to sinful ways. But he consented to their act. Somerset was beheaded on Tower-hill, January 22nd, 1552, thus suffering the fate he had caused to be inflicted on his brother. Four of his friends were also executed. The letters and public documents still existing in reference to the condemnation of Somerset, fully show that he was a victim, sacrificed to make way for the plans and projects of others, rather than for his own proceedings. Northumberland fondly imagined that he consolidated

his power; but Scripture declares, that "the curse of the Lord is in the house of the wicked;" that "a man shall not be established by wickedness;" and that “ man that doeth violence to the blood of any person' hasteth to the pit, Prov. xxviii. 17. Truly Northumberland was hasting on his own ruin. In this instance, and in many others during the troublous times of our history, as in the case of Joab, the Lord saw fit to return upon guilty nobles the blood of others which they had shed.

Foxe records the particulars of the last hours of the duke of Somerset. He found support from the true religion which he had been instrumental in making known to others. "After that he had ended a few short prayers, standing up again, and turning himself towards the east side of the scaffold, nothing at all abashed, (as it seemed to me,) either with the sight of the axe, or yet of the hangman, or of present death; but with the like alacrity and cheerfulness of mind and countenance, as beforetimes he was accustomed to hear the causes and supplication of others, and especially to the poor, towards whom, as it were with a certain fatherly love to his children, he always showed himself the most attentive, he uttered these words." His address is given, concluding with this declaration: "Moreover, dearly beloved friends, there is yet