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council. A number of the old monks and friars engaged in this insurrection. They had found their anticipations of disadvantage to themselves, from the progress of gospel light, realized. Among other things, the rebels demanded that the English Bible should be suppressed, and the Latin service restored.

The progress of the rebels was stayed by the inhabitants of Exeter, who defended their city under great sufferings, till the siege was raised by the royal forces, August 6th. The insurgents were then dispersed, though not without considerable difficulty.

In Norfolk, the insurrection was not less formidable. Headed by a tanner, named Ket, a man of property, the insurgents took possession of Norwich. There the proceedings assumed a more political form than in the west; the leader openly urging forward revolutionary measures, that the gentry should be put down, and the people raised to rule. But by the latter end of August, the insurrection was quelled, and the leader taken and executed. Smaller risings in Yorkshire, Wiltshire, and other counties, were more easily suppressed.

The sermons of Latimer, the tract of Becon, the answers of Cranmer to the manifesto of the western rebels, all give considerable information as to the state of both religious and civil affairs, which led to these troubles. The graphic language of Latimer, in particular, shows that the agricultural population were suffering by the changes which result from advance in civilization. These results are deplorable, but can never be stopped; the truly wise policy is, to give a suitable direction to the progress of things, and to counteract suffering by bringing forward new sources of happiness, and of successful employment. This trut is now acknowledged, although by no means sufficiently acted upon but in the times under our notice, it wa neither acknowledged nor acted upon. The measure recommended by Latimer were impracticable, unles where the evil spirit of covetousness is taken from th heart of man, by a new birth unto righteousness, leadin

to new practices from new principles. The evil chiefly complained of by Becon has also been complained of in all ages; he describes the hard dealings of the covetous with those beneath them. "Then there is another sort which glory in the title of gentlemen also, and they are such as think all nobility consists in the abundance of worldly goods, in wearing of golden chains and costly apparel, in having fair houses and pleasant gardens. And to set forth this, they poll, they pill, they wake, they rake, they sweat, they fret, they grip, they nip, they face, they brase, they semble, they dissemble, yea, they move every stone as they say, to maintain and set forth their ignoble nobility, not caring how they come by it, so they have it. All is fish that comes to the net; it is good to be taken. These study not, as the true gentlemen do, to profit many, to do good to the country, to maintain the poor, to relieve the succourless, to nourish the weak, to cherish their needy tenants; neither seek they the good of the commonwealth, but their own private advantage. Hooper wrote to secretary Cecil, in 1551, complaining that the greater part of the people were suffering for the advantage of a few. He urged," Master Secretary, take the fear of God and a bold stomach, to speak herein for redress, and that the goods of every shire be not thus wrested and taken into a few men's hands. If it continue, the wealth and strength of the realm must needs perish what availeth great riches in a realm, and neither the head, nor the greatest part of the members, to be the better for it?"

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The plans of Edward and his councillors tended only to keep things in uncertainty and suffering, by delaying that onward progress which alone could extricate the sufferers. Thus, the laws then enacted to meet popular prejudices were not calculated to remove the evils complained of, or really to benefit the nation. But what shall be said of the popish faction, who sought to forward their own evil ends by fomenting these revolutionary proceedings? It was not the only time

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when the spirit of despotism, innate in popery, has united with the wildest views of change, and sought to disorganize society. And the failure of these insurrections, while the government was so weak, and the insurgents had so many advantages, strongly shows that such efforts, however numerously supported, are not likely to be successful, when resisted by the upper classes with any degree of union and activity. The influence which unfounded rumours had upon the people, in stirring them to these insurrections, is frequently noticed in the letters of this period. Even now this is the case in countries where information is not regularly diffused. Whatever may be the effects of newspapers in other respects, there can be no doubt but that they tend to prevent popular tumults, by giving general information as to passing events.

The papers of the youthful king evince his attention to matters of public moment in connexion with foreign states, but there were not many events of this description in his reign. The favourite project of Somerset, the alliance by marriage with the Scottish queen, had been defeated, probably by the earnestness with which the protector sought its accomplishment. The Scots, blind to the advantages which would ensue to both nations from the union of the kingdoms, and exasperated by Somerset's invasions, listened to the overtures of France, accepted aid from that nation, and gave up their queen to be carried there, and educated as a wife for the French king. She arrived in France in August, 1548. This interference with the affairs of Scotland led to direct hostilities between England and France, which were not then important in their results. Eventually this marriage, however flattering, proved the beginning of sorrows to Mary Stuart, while the close alliance with France unavoidably placed Scotland in collision with England.

The proceedings of the English papists led the Protestant party to try stronger measures of restraint, and in some degree, of coercion. The king's sister Mary, who

resided in the eastern counties, was suspected of having encouraged the rebels. No proof of her participation could be found, but the council required her to discontinue the celebration of mass in her family. She resisted, and by the interference of the emperor, who threatened to make war if his demands were not complied with, procured for herself that indulgence which she afterwards refused to her Protestant subjects. The latter part of Edward's short reign was disturbed by disputes with this princess. They seem to have begun at the instigation of Gardiner, by her writing a letter to the protector, severely blaming his pressing forward the reformation of religion: he answered her in strong terms, referring to the treasonable practices of the popish party in her father's reign. The course pursued towards Mary was uselessly irritating, but she was well able to retort, and did so in a manner very unbecoming a princess; yet though at times on ill terms with her brother, she was occasionally an honoured guest at his court.

England was again visited by other wild and wicked visionaries from Germany. Some of them inculcated religious as well as political errors, teaching confused and false doctrines respecting the person of Christ. Many of them recanted; one foreigner was burned in Smithfield. Another individual also suffered for her religious opinions. Joan Bocher had been a friend of Ann Askew, who suffered in the late reign; she was then active in circulating English Testaments. Having adopted some errors, rather speculative than practical, respecting the person of Christ, she was accused of heresy, and sentenced to death: Edward for some time refused to sign the warrant for her death. Cranmer was sent by the council to urge his compliance. At length he persuaded the king to sign the sentence. Edward did so, with tears in his eyes, telling Cranmer that "if it was wrong, he must answer for it to God." Cranmer was then unwilling that she should suffer;

he exhorted her during several months to recant, but in vain at last, on May 2nd, 1550, she was burned in Smithfield.

We defend not such cruelty. This conduct was directly opposed to the precepts and example of our blessed Lord: we can only say, that Cranmer and his associates had been brought up papists. In that school they learned to persecute; and papists must not be allowed to bring forward these cruelties as any argument against Protestantism. They tell against popery; while the favourable contrast presented by the general conduct of Cranmer, compared with the proceedings of Gardiner and Bonner, shows the humanizing results of acquaintance with Bible truth, even under the disadvantages of the times.

The oppressive conduct of the landholders and higher orders, was one cause alleged by the populace for the revolts already noticed. It is evident that the nobility were now desirous of regaining that power which they lost by the civil wars, and the vigorous sway of Henry VIII. The council of administration formed a centre for the development of these views: that body was in collision with the lord protector soon after the popular tumults were suppressed. He had assumed independent power, administering it with much hastiness of temper and harshness of conduct towards his fellow nobles; whilst he was disposed to favour the people, and intimated his desire to promote measures for their relief, by curbing the power of the nobility. The aristocracy united against him, and determined to take away his power as regent. Among other charges against him, was the establishing a court of requests in his own house, where he caused the grievances of any poor persons to be inquired into, when, if their complaints appeared to be well founded, he gave them letters to exhibit in the regular courts of law where they were suitors. This would now be a most improper interference with the more regular administration of justice in our courts; but at that period, when

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