I say

high

dear

person; which I wish I may never live to see. "I am
sure there is no good Englishman which can be merry the
day when he happeneth to think that his grace might per-
chance be distempered of his health; so that, albeit
for my part, I stomach, as a sorry subject may do, the
injuries done by the said Francoys unto his most
sovereign, yet, rather than the thing should go so far forth,
I could, for my part, be contented to forget altogether."
The French have established an ordinance among them,
that their King shall never go in person, in ranged battle,
against our nation, on account of the danger, notwithstanding
their marvellous policy for the sure succession of their crown.
How needful, then, for us "(considering in what case we
be)" to entreat our sovereign, for our sakes and his
daughter's, "upon whose weal and circumspect bestowing,
next his noble person, dependeth all our wealths," to
restrain his high courage; for, if he were to go, I am sure
there would not be one man in the army "but he should be
more meet to wail and wring his hands, than assured to fight,
when he considered that, if otherwise than well should
fortune to that precious jewel, which he had for his party in
custody, it were more meeter for him to depart into Turkey,
than to return again into his natural country to his wife and
children." I think, therefore, if my prince would tarry
within his realm, it would be better to advance our war by
little and little, so as to weary out the said Francoys, than
send over at once the power royal of the kingdom.

"In the reasoning of which matter I shall but utter mine ignorance afore Hannibal, as our right wise speaker rehearsed now of late ;" but having gone thus far, I shall utter my poor mind, if this great army of 30,000 foot and 10,000 horse should be conveyed beyond sea, what way they may most annoy our enemies with the greatest safety, and how they may be victualled. If they could be victualled out of the archdukedom, I doubt not they would return in safety;

At the close he outlines the policy that he would

recommend, later the

chosen England. policy of Emperor Charles V.

Francoys
Francis I.

=

Mary, later

Queen of
England.

Sir Thomas

More was

Speaker of the House of

Commons.

for as their enemies did not venture last year to attack the earl of Surrey, they would all the more beware of so great an army; but by this means the harm they would do to France would not be so great as what we ourselves should sustain in supporting such a force. Before three summers were over, the army would exhaust all the coin and bullion in the realm, which I conjecture cannot much exceed a million;

...

And of the inhabitants of the archdukedom, how desirous they are to have much of our money for little of their victuals, we had good experience, when the King last went over, and last year when my lord of Surrey was sent. But if we must send the army through their possessions, and go direct to Paris, which no doubt may be easily got, as soon as we have left the marches of the archdukedom, we should be on our guard against the Frenchmen's mode of fighting, whose plan is, not to meddle with our army, but lie in wait for stragglers or conductors of victuals. We shall be sure to find no victuals in our way, and might find the danger of leaving strongholds behind us, which the politic prince, Henry VII, avoided; for when he crossed the sea, he laid siege to Boulogne before he would enter any further into France; and the present King, when he purposed, as I have been told, to go to Paris, began at Terouenne, "and the Emperor employed whosoever be in Tournay," not thinking it right to pass further, leaving strongholds behind him in the possession of the enemy. What expense it would be, thus to employ our army, the King has had too good experience, in the winning of Terouenne, which cost him more than twenty such ungracious dogholes could be worth. But, if instead of this, we invaded Normandy, Brittany or some province on the sea, I can see nothing but danger on every side, not only at their arrival among their enemies, but from the difficulty in victualling them while they remain there; for though we are undoubtedly

much diminished in treasure, we have a far greater want of defensible men. If I am asked why I urge these objections, I think the advantages we have had over the French have put them in despair to try it with us any more in ranged battle; but the French know as well our impatience to continue in war many years, especially in winter, as that our nation is invincible in arms.

I will now show you the advantages former kings have had over us in making war against France. In former times we had always places where we could land in security, either of our own, or of our confederates, in Gascony, Guienne, Brittany or Normandy. The towns and strongholds were of nothing like the strength they are at present. What friends we have now, I dare not venture to speak, and no nation was ever so united as our enemy. While the Emperor was here occupied with the winning of Tournay, they corrupted three or four of the greatest nobles of Spain, on whom the Emperor was compelled to do justice on his return thither, . . . and since his Majesty's return to Spain, the governors of his archdukedom have granted safeconducts to French and Scotch Merchants; which is marvellous hindrance, for if our commodities had been as well kept from them as theirs from us, many a thousand French artificers who have no living but by working our wools, would have been compelled to cry to the King for peace. The King should devote all his efforts to the subjugation of Scotland, and to join that realm to his, so that both they and we might live under one obeisance, law and policy, for This would secure him the highest honor any king of England has reached, and it would be the greatest abashment to Francis. And although it be a common saying, that in Scotland is nought to win but strokes, there is another saying, "who that intendeth France to win, with Scotland let him begin." It is mere folly to think of keeping possessions in France, which is severed from us by the

ever.

sea, while we allow Scotland, belonging to the same island,
to recognize another prince. This, once united to England,
all other possessions are easily retained.

A Speech delivered in Parliament, 1523 (Letters and Papers,
Foreign and Domestic, of the Reign of Henry VIII, Vol. III,
Part II, No. 2958, London, 1867).

By WILLIAM 47. The Execution of Sir Thomas More

ROPER

(† 1577), hus

band of Mar

garet, the

eldest and favourite daughter of Sir Thomas More. He and his wife spent their married life in the house

of More until
his death in
1535.

The Ould
Swanne
a landing-

place west of
London
Bridge.

(1535)

Now after this arraignement departed hee from the barre to the Towre againe, ledd by Sir William Kingston, a tall, stronge, and comlye Knight, Constable of the Towre, his very deare frend, whoe when he had brought him from Westminster to the ould Swanne towardes the Towre, there with a heavie hart, the teares runninge downe his cheekes, bad him farewell. Sir Thomas Moore seinge him soe sorrowfull, comforted him with as good wordes as he could, saying, "Good Mr. Kingston, trouble not your selfe, but be of good cheare. For I will pray for you, and my good Ladie your wif, that we may meete in heaven togeather, where we shall be merrie for ever and ever." Soone after Sir William Kingston talkinge with mee of Sir Tho. Moore, sayd, "In faith Mr. Roper, I was ashamed of my selfe, that at my departure from your father, I found my harte soe feeble, and his soe stronge, that he was fayne to comforte me which should rather have comforted him.” When Sir Tho. Moore came from Westminster to the Towreward againe, his daughter my wife, desireous to see her father, whome shee thought shee should never see in this world after, and alsoe to have his finall blessinge, gave attendaunce aboutes the Towre wharfe, where shee knewe

i.e. halberts.

he should passe by, e're he could enter into the Towre. There tarriinge for his cominge home, assoone as shee sawe him, after his blessinges on her knees reverentlie receaved, shee, hastinge towards, without consideration of care of herselfe, pressinge in amongest the midst of the thronge and the Companie of the Guard, that with Hollbards and Billes Hollbards, weare round about him, hastily ranne to him, and there openlye in the sight of all them embraced and tooke him about the necke and kissed him, whoe well likeinge her most daughterlye love and affection towardes him, gave her his fatherlie blessinge, and many godlie wordes of comfort besides, from whome after shee was departed, shee not satisfied with the former sight of her deare father, havinge respect neither to her self, nor to the presse of the people and multitude that were about him, suddenlye turned back againe, and rann to him as before, tooke him about the necke, and divers tymes togeather most lovingely kissed him, and at last with a full heavie harte was fayne to departe from him; the behouldinge whereof was to manye of them that weare present thereat soe lamentable, that it made them for very sorrow to mourne and weepe. Soe remayned Sir Thomas Moore in the Towre more then a seaven night after his Judgment. From whence the daye before he suffered he sent his shirt of hare, not willinge to have it seene, to my wyfe, his dearely beloved daughter, and a letter, written with a Cole, contayned in the foresaid booke of his workes, plainely expressinge the fervent desire he had to suffer on the morrowe in these wordes: "I comber you, good Margarett, much, but I would bee sorrie if it should be any longer then to morrowe. For to morrow is St. Thomas even, and the Utas of St. Peeter, and therefore to morrow The Utas longe I to goe to God, that weare a daye very meet and the Octave, convenient for mee. And I never liked your manners after. better, then when you kissed mee last. For I like when daughterlie Love, and deare Charitie hath noe leasure to

=

or eighth day