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lease of the Queen ? Nothing. But it was adopted by your Lordship for the worst and most paltry of purposes! Your Lordship feared that if such a man as Flyndell was punished for such an article, it would deter other scoundrels from supporting your cause, whilst on the other hand you know that the supporters of the Queen hold your threats and menaces in contempt, and even if punishment comes, they can consciously smile at it, and feel that it is more honorable than otherwise. You have to pay your supporters, and if you pay and punish them too it would be rather singular, whilst on the other hand, the supporters of the Queen have nothing to expect but a share of her persecutions, which, I trust that I or inine would be rather proud of than otherwise I shall for the present take my leave of your Lordship with a request that when you introduce any more numbers of the Republican to the honourable house, you will be so good as to leave them on the table, and not halt do the business. I may resume my right to address you as a notorious and public character now I have begun, for, although, I have never written a direct letter to you before, I have always considered the main support of all the miseries and all the abuses which Englishmen have to contend with. I therefore beg to assure your Lordship, that your best friends do not feel a more sincere attachment to your Lordship than I do, and which, I have only to pray for the opportunity of making a further display of it. In hopes of your Lordship’s further favors in supporting the Republican,

I remain, &c.



Dorchester Gaol, Aug. 2nd, 1820.


The steady resolution of the Queen continues to increase the public admiration for her. Addresses pour in from all qnarters, in such multitudes, as to preclude our copying them; and all we can now do, is to make a general mention of them. The female address from Nottingham, and the resolutions and address from the inhabitants of Canterbury, are particularly worthy of notice. The Mayor of this latter city made himself a greater fool than the Lord Mayor of London, on this occasion ; and no sooner' read the requisition for calling the meeting of the inhabitants, than he said, that lie himself did not concur in its object, therefore, he should be no party to 'its proceedings; and so saying, took to his heels and ran away, amidst the hosting, laughter, and disgust of the whole assembly. We hope to see the females continue their addresses, as we really .consider them more important than those from the other sex. The Queen might now say to her royal and princely persecutor, “ You are welcome, George, to the prayers of the Priests, as long as I can enjoy the affectionate addresses of the People.We know well which of the two will carry her to heaven the soonest; and, consequently, care not what contempt slie receives from the King and his Priests, so as the people do not forsake her-of which there is not much danger at present.

It is now currently reported that her Majesty will be present at the examination of the witnesses against her :-one paper, wlich we have seen, has a paragraph, setting forth, that her Majesty has actually intimated her intention to the House of Lords, and requested tlieir Lordships to provide her a seat in a becoming situation, where she might be enabled to hear distinctly what is urged against her by every witness. We shall rejoice if this be the case, and consider it an equally important step in her beliall, as her dashing from St. Omer's lo Dover. If she can face the charges which are to be advanced in the House of Lords, she will not need to bring any families from

Italy to speak in her behalf. Such a thing will be quite unnecessary as no wonian guilty of such charges, cocld face an honest evidence, and assert her iubocency. Let us see the Queen in the House of Lords, on the 17th of August, and we care not what is the nature of the evidence against her,

It is worthy of remark, that the prosecution of the charges against her Majesty, will begin on the day following the first apuiversary of the Manchester Massacre, It would have been more in character and coincidence, if the 16th had been named as the day. No enquiry has yet been made into these murders, and they seem, amongst members of Parliament, to have passed by unleeded. A whole session has again passed, wherein they have scarcely been mentioned, or what has been said about them has been worse than nothing. Mr. Hunt has called upon the reformers to observe the anniversary of the 16th, as a fast day! Many of them, no doubt, will find it a fast day, and not a voluntary one. Mr. Hunt has pledged himself to put on a suit of black clothes, and to take no other food than bread and water on that day and further, to spend the day in prayer! For our parts, we shall approacla very near the mode of diet, as usual, only substituting milk for water; but as for black clothes and prayer, we should consider it inore, in reality, a farce than a fast. It is a fanatical notion which might have suited Oliver Cromwell, and his times, very well, but we really feel sorrow to see such a man as Mr. Hunt encouraging such idle whims. Besides, partaking of bread and water, makes it a breakfast! This is like the Catholic priest, who orders his followers to confine themselves to fish, and vegetables, and bread, and cheese, on the Friday--and the abstinence from animal food is, with them, called a fast, but more properly a feast. We will never encourage the people to fast, nor cause them to fast, if we can help it :

:-we could rather wish them better cheer than they have at present. We would rather say to the reformers : “ Meet in small bodies on that day--make it a day of friendly intercourse and conversation-do uot fast nor pray, but cheer each other as well as you can, on the gloominess of the times ;--sing patriotic songs-enliven your hearts with future prospects, and swear by the RightS OF MAN, that you will never miss the opportunity to revenge the múrders committed at Manchester, on the bodies of the rcformers, on

the 18th of August, 1819. We weré by no means anxious to oppose the project of Mr. Hunt: we could rather wish to back him in any thing that was rational; but this farce, of apretended fast, is intolerable, and would be hypocritical, and a disgrace to the reformers of Great Britain. The man that would really and intentionally encourage any species of fanaticism, can be no friend to liberty. Fanaticism and liberty cannot dwell together. Liberty is the power of volition in the mind, sensibly and conscientiously felt; but fanaticism ever destroys that volition, as a subtle poison. Liberty, adopted as a word, without the power of volition, and acting upon that volition, is a sliadow, and not a substance. We seek a species of liberty that is substantial, and let the opponents and destroyers of that saered property, content themselves with the word and the shadow. We do not mean to insinuate any wrong intention towards Mr. Hunt-we have ever, from the first knowledge of him, borne testimony to his political honesty; and as in the bosom of every honest man, so also, we presume, in ours, that opinion of Mr. Hunt has been much strengthened from his conduct, since the morning of the 16th of August last. We heartily wish that he had hit upon some other expedient for the due observation of the ensuing 16th of August, that would have carried more unanimity with it, than black clothes, bread and water, and prayer. For our own parts, we worship neither stocks, stones, or pictures-fetiches, nor crucifixes; therefore, we have nothing to pray to-no idol to address and in this instance, we find an insurmountable chasm in complying with Mr. Hunt's whim. We have a full recollection of the day; and as Mr. H. (in his Me. moirs which are now publishing) has told us, that he has been accustomed to translate Horace and Virgil, we would say to him in the words of the latter,

“ Quæque ipse miserrima vidi,

Et quorum pars magoa fui." By applying which to the Manchester Massacre, we would translate as follows:

“ The horrid scene I did behold,

And bore the brugt with others bold,"
VOL. III. No. 15.

In this consideration, we trust that we shall not be charged with a want of feeling, as to the importance of the subject. We have felt it--we do now feel it, and we will never cease to seek redress for that outrageous attack on a peaceable assembly. We feel convinced, and boldly speak it, that the reformers have suffered a sufficiency of unjust treatment, to warrant a severe and summary retaliation in the hour of retribution :-and we further presume, that those who are now carrying on their wanton career of persecution against those reformers, must have made up their minds for a rough handling on a future day. To forget and forgive, in this instance, would he cowardice, inhumanity, and want of due fellow-feeling for the present, and late sufferers. The best thing the reformers can do on the 16th of August to annoy their enemies, is, that as many as possible of them should come up to London with addresses to the Qucen; it being the last day that she can conveniently receive and attend to answer such addresses. They might also have on the 17th, the honour to act as guards, and to escort her Majesty to the House of Lords! Also, they may go and have a peep at a large military camp, which, it is said, is about to be formed on Blackheathi! Let the soldiers and the reformers agree to support the Queen, and she will have nothing to fear then, nor they, peither.





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TO HER MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY QUEEN CAROLINE. * The humble Address of the Peinale Iohabitants of the Town of Not.

tingham and its Vicioily. “We, your Majesty's most dutiful and loyal subjects, the female inhabitants of Nottinghain, beg leave to congratulate you on your safe arri, val in this country, after so long an absence, and to hail you Qucen of these Kingdoms!

Belored as you arc by a greal people, who have long preserved for

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