seek to impress upon their students their specific forms of sectarian belief. They are no longer, with few exceptions, denominational schools, but Christian schools in the broadest sense, whose standard is that of the highest Christian culture. In like manner the public universities of the western states have departed from their old attitude of antagonism to religious life and development, recognizing as they do, that our common Christianity is the basis of our civilization, of our family life and of our university discipline. They, too, have come to regard the highest Christian culture as the basis of university life and control, and among no class of institutions is the university life sounder and purer and more wholesome and more spiritual than among the state institutions of the West.

There is also noticeable among us the beginnings of a unifying movement which shall lead private institutions under the guidance and leadership of the state universities to coöperate in every reasonable way for the educational development of the state in which they may be located. This movement, Mr. President, is destined to be of great value to both state and private institutions, and with the exercise of wisdom and generosity will lead to a higher type of educational life.

I have said, Mr. President, that we are new and young, and so we are. We have the strength and the weakness, the advantages and the defects that arise from that fact. We have alertness, power, selfconfidence and mental vigor. On the other hand, we have the lack of polish and stability that come with age. We are not bound to the old because it is old, and yet, on the other hand, we are sometimes in danger of embracing that which is new simply because it is new. Because we are young we lack traditions, and on the whole we are thankful for it. The lack of tradition allows us that freedom which is the very breath of life of true education. It is because of this freedom, Mr. President, that the western universities of which you are a part have made such strides in the last fifteen years. It is because of this freedom that we have alertness, and courage, and mental vigor. It is because of this freedom that we are developing men of ability, unselfishness and power. The very breadth of our plains and greatness of our mountains react upon the lives of our young people. sunshine and vital strength of the air they breathe make independence necessary and undue restraint impossible. We are free, Mr. President, because we cannot help ourselves; it is in our blood and comes down to us from many generations of pioneers and patriots.

The

And lastly, Mr. President, we are loyal to our country. Nowhere does the fire of patriotism burn more brightly, and it is the high patriotism that demands purity in our national life and the overthrow of the sordid commercialism that is making our people money-mad. We are democratic in our instincts. Nowhere is there less account

taken of anything but the actual worth of the individual; nowhere is there more of the true democracy which is the state of mind and heart that leads to a real belief in the brotherhood of men. We are altruistic in our ideals. The students in our universities can be relied upon for the highest and noblest standards of political and social life without counting the cost in dollars. They will be found not only supporting but demanding obedience to law, faithfulness to public trusts, integrity in official position, and a square deal for all men. We are sound in our moral and religious life and we can be counted on for the fundamentals of the religious faith that has come down to us from our fathers. In other words, Mr. President, we share the high ideals and purposes of this great University, and your sister universities in the vast territory west of the Mississippi once more bid you God-speed.

RESPONSE FOR SOUTHERN UNIVERSITIES
EDWIN B. CRAIGHEAD, LL.D.

President of Tulane University, New Orleans

Thrice happy am I to be with you today, for New Orleans and the South are at the end of a hundred years war-they shall never have another yellow fever epidemic. They have demonstrated to the world a scientific truth, which, if known a hundred years ago, would have made New Orleans a real world metropolis, and saved to the South, not only thousands of valuable lives, but more money than has ever been spent upon all the scientific institutions and universities of the Republic. To the university-trained man we are indebted for this triumph over a disease that once was fitly called the awful Southern scourge. To the university-trained man, and to him alone, we must look for leadership in a fight to a finish against tuberculosis and cholera and all other diseases that have desolated the world. It is to the university that humanity must look for light and guidance in its onward march to better things. For this reason, not Tulane alone, not the universities of the South alone, but the universities of the North and of the East and of the West and of the world, yea, all civilized men, of whatever tongue or creed, rejoice today with the friends and alumni of the University of Illinois and wish for its new President long life and abundant success in the great work which he has so nobly begun. All real universities are engaged in the same sacred cause, to furnish a larger and larger life to larger and larger numbers of human beings. For Illinois to succeed is not for Louisana to fail, for Illinois' success is Louisiana's and the South's success and humanity's success. For the work of a great university is not confined to the city in which it is planted nor to the state which claims it as her Its work is as wide as the world, as enduring as civilization, "Lofty as the love of God,

own.

Ample as the needs of man;"

for it deals not alone with the local and temporal, but with the universal and eternal.

It is fit, therefore, that on this great occasion all universities, all lovers of light and learning, should rejoice to send hither their representatives; but there is a special reason why I, as a representative of the South, should find here congenial company, for in the South was established the first university sustained and controlled by the state. In the South the state university first found a congenial home, a not unfriendly atmosphere. Of the thirteen original colonies only five have universities and of these all save one are in the South. In the South was established the first real American university with elective courses and without a fixed, uniform, mediæval curriculum—the University of Virginia, in which should be taught, said Jefferson, "every branch of knowledge, whether calculated to enrich, stimulate and adorn the understanding, or to be useful in the arts and sciences. and practical business of life." Slowly, sometimes stubbornly, reluctantly, have our great Northern universities been creeping up for a hundred years to the high ideal of the university set by Thomas Jefferson. The state university is, after all, the most splendid and enduring monument of Jeffersonian democracy. The great party which he founded may be doomed to hopeless defeat and disruptionit has little chance to suffer from corruption-or robbed of its staunchest champions, for Mr. Roosevelt will in a few days invade the South, and there are among us thousands who believe in Roosevelt and consider him the greatest democrat since Jefferson. Political parties change names or disappear, and such may be the fate of the party founded by Jefferson, but in the establishment of a system of general instruction which "reaches every description of our citizens from the richest to the poorest," and in the foundation of state universities, institutions of the people and for the people, we behold, and as long as this Republic endures our children's children shall behold, the triumph of Jeffersonian principles and springing therefrom in unwithering beauty the topmost flower of American democracy.

It is true that Jefferson, the greatest educational statesman of the New World, did not live to see the full fruition of his hopes, nor did “Virginia's grand, imperial man," the immortal Washington, who, anticipating by a hundred years the plans of Cecil Rhodes for Oxford, labored for the foundation of a great national university. Such an institution, he hoped, would bind together the discordant sections of the Republic and secure for it intellectual, as well as political, independence an institution, which, in time, might have made real the dream of Bacon in his Nova Atlantis, who saw in the far West a university, the end of "whose foundations was the knowledge of the causes and secret notions of things, and the enlargement of the bounds of the human empire to the effecting of all things possible.'

Finally, in the South was established the first real university with graduate courses and departments of research-a university that revolutionized the whole field of higher education-whose influence, Dr. Harper tells us, has been most potent-The Johns Hopkins University of Baltimore. Why Dr. Remsen, president of this great southern university, came here as a representative of eastern institutions, he has already had the goodness to explain.

Imbued with the spirit of the South's illustrious champions of education and democracy, I come to you, not as a Southerner, but as an American; and I beg of you to think of us no longer as aliens and as lovers of mob law and violence, but as friends of the Republic and as coworkers in the great commonwealth of letters.

RESPONSE FOR UNIVERSITIES AND TECHNICAL SCHOOLS OF THE STATE

HARRY PRATT JUDSON, LL.D.

Dean, University of Chicago

On behalf of the technical schools and universities in Illinois which are of private foundation I bring greeting to the State University on this auspicious occasion. It is an idle and superficial view of the matter which considers institutions of this character as competitors in the sense, as in certain forms of business, that the success of one is at the expense of others. On the contrary, these forms of what perhaps I may call the highest education are in fact of necessity allies-each is a positive benefit to all the rest, as all make together for their common purpose. Their true analogue is not commercial rivals striving each to grasp as much as possible of a limited field of business, but rather separate bodies of military volunteers operating against a common enemy, and this enemy-ignorance is the ancient foe of all social welfare. In this war there is room for all who sincerely love the enlightenment and the progress of humanity-there is no room. for the petty jealousies which mark little minds.

This I believe to be eminently true in educational finance. In a late report of the national Commissioner of Education there is record of benefactions from private individuals to higher institutions of learning in the year 1900-01 amounting to $14,016,998, distributed. among thirty-three institutions, each reporting gifts of one hundred. thousand dollars or over. These institutions, without exception, were on private foundations. While we are well aware that there have been considerable gifts to state institutions, still these at the most are comparatively small, and, knowing the conditions that usually prevail, it is surely safe to infer that, had it not been for the institutions which as a matter of fact benefited by the gifts, there would have been a loss

of the whole amount to the cause of education. On the other hand, there is little reason to suppose that there would have been any spontaneous uprising on the part of taxpayers demanding a corresponding increase of their burdens for a similar enrichment of state institutions.

As things have turned out, however, the great beneficence which of late years has enriched the coffers of private schools and universities has, it is well understood, by no means, hindered liberal appropriations for the support of institutions maintained by the state. Indeed the rapid development made possible by private benefactions has been a vivid object lesson which it is said has not been lost on legislators. It is perhaps not too much to say that the generosity which has established Stanford and Chicago among universities, Armour and Bradley and Lewis among technical schools, has thus indirectly been the means of providing other millions for the state universities. Thus has beneficence been thrice blessed-it has blessed those who have given and those who have received and their neighbors also.

It will further be admitted, I think, that the rich endowment of the private technical schools in our State has on the whole been far from lessening the number of students who have thronged to the excellent technical schools of the Illinois State University. Each of these private foundations has been the means of opening the minds of many young men to the idea of technical training. Where possibly one young man has been attracted from going to Champaign, doubtless many have been turned to technical professions who otherwise would not have dreamed of such a life, and of these the State University has had its full share. In short, all combined have merely prepared for the various engineering vocations an increasing number of students, and all combined have not been able to supply the growing demands of our complex material energies. As the nation becomes richer and as its resources progressively unfold there is a steadily multiplying call for trained intelligence, with which as yet the schools cannot keep pace. All the schools are needed.

If this is true of technical schools, far more emphatically is it true of universities. Of course by a university I mean here not an army of students, nor merely a federation of schools. I use the term in its highest modern sense as implying an institution whose primary purpose is research-the discovery of new truth. Of such institutions there cannot be too many, nor can they be too richly endowed, whether from public taxes or from private munificence; and this because on all sides the call for investigation is daily more pressing. Science as it broadens the circle of the known ever comes into more multifarious contact with the unknown. As we painfully learn one new principle we at once find that we must know a dozen others, each pressingly grave in its import on human life in its environment. All which the state can do, all that can be done by private wealth, will still not be