defcendants of the first founder of the tribe. The cuftom, which ftill prevails, of adopting the braveft, and most faithful of the captives, may countenance the very probable fufpicion, that this extenfive confanguinity is, in a great meafure, legal and fictitious. But the useful prejudice, which has obtained the fanction of time and opinion, produces the effects of truth; the haughty Barbarians yield a cheerful and voluntary obedience to the head of their blood; and their chief, or murfa, as the reprefentative of their great father, exercises the authority of a judge, in peace, and of a leader, in war. In the original ftate of the paftoral world, each of the murfas (if we may continue to use a modern appellation) acted as the independent chief of a large and feparate family; and the limits of their peculiar territories were gradually fixed, by fuperior force, or mutual confent. But the conftant operation of various and permanent causes contributed to unite the vagrant Hords into national communities, under the command of a fupreme head. The weak were defirous of fupport, and the ftrong were ambitious of dominion; the power, which is the refult of union, oppreffed and collected the divided forces of the adjacent tribes; and, as the vanquished were freely admitted to fhare the advantages of victory, the most valiant chiefs haftened to range themselves, and their followers, under the formidable standard of a confederate nation. The most fuccessful of the Tartar princes affumed the military command, to which he was entitled by the fuperiority, either of merit, or of power. He was

raised to the throne by the acclamations of his equals; and the title of Khan expreffes, in the language of the North of Afia, the full extent of the regal dignity. The right of hereditary fucceffion was long confined to the blood of the founder of the monarchy; and at this moment all the Khans, who reign from Crimea to the wall of China, are the lineal defcendants. of the renowned Zingis. But, as it is the indispensable duty of a Tartar fovereign to lead his warlike fubjects into the field, the claims of an infant are often difregarded; and fome royal kinfman, diftinguished by his age and valour, is entrusted with the sword and fceptre of his predeceffor. Two diftinct and regular taxes are levied on the tribes, to support the dignity of their national monarch, and of their peculiar chief; and

each of thofe contributions amounts to the tythe, both of their property, and of their spoil. A Tartar fovereign enjoys the tenth part of the wealth of his people; and as his own domestic riches of flocks and herds increase in a much larger proportion, he is able plentifully to maintain the ruftic fplendour of his court, to reward the moft deferving, or the most favoured, of his followers, and to obtain, from the gentle influence of corruption, the obedience which might be fometimes refufed to the. ftern mandates of authority. The manners of his fubjects, accuftomed, like himself, to blood and rapine, might excufe, in their eyes, fuch partial acts of tyranny, as would excite the horror of a civilized people; but the power of a defpot has never been acknow ledged in the deferts of Scythia.

The

The immediate jurifdiction of the Khan is confined within the limits of his own tribe; and the exercise of his royal prerogative has been moderated by the ancient inftitution of a national council. The Coroultai, or Diet, of the Tartars, was regularly held in the fpring and autumn, in the midst of a plain; where the princes of the reigning family, and the murfas of the refpective tribes, may conveniently affemble on horfeback, with their martial and numerous trains; and the ambitious monarch, who reviewed the ftrength, must confult the inclination, of an armed people. The rudiments of a feudal government may be difcovered in the conftitution of the Scythian or Tartar nations; but the perpetual conflict of thofe hoftile nations has fometimes terminated in the establishment of a powerful and defpotic empire. The victor, enriched by the tribute, and fortified by the arms, of dependent kings, has fpread his conquefts over Europe or Afia: the fuccefsful fhepherds of the North have fubmitted to the confinement of arts, of laws, and of cities; and the introduction of luxury, after deftroying the freedom of the people, has undermined the foundations of the throne.

only introduced the studies of claffical literature into England, but gave a new turn to our vernacular poetry. At this period, Petrarch ftill continued the most favourite poet of the Italians; and had established a manner, which was univerfally adopted and imitated by his ingenious countrymen. In the mean time, the courts both of France and England were distinguifhed for their elegance. Francis the first had changed the state of letters in France, by mixing gallantry with learning, and by admitting the ladies to his court

in

company with the ecclefiaftics. His caroufals were celebrated with a brilliancy and a feftivity unknown to the ceremonious fhews of former princes. Henry the eighth vied with Francis in these gaieties. His ambition, which could not bear a rival even in diverfions, was feconded by liberality of difpofition and a love of oftentation. For Henry, with many boisterous qualities, was magnificent and affable. Had he never murdered his wives, his politeness to the fair fex would remain unimpeached. His martial sports were unincumbered by the barbaric pomp of the antient chivalry, and foftened by the growing habits of more rational manners. He was attached to thofe fpectacles and public amufements, in which beauty affumed a principal share; and his frequent mafques and tourof romantic courtesy. Poetry was naments encouraged a high fpirit the naturalaccompanimentofthefe refinements. Henry himself was a leader and a chief character in these pageantries, and at the fame time a reader and a writer of verfes. The language and the manners of

Italy were esteemed and studied. The fonnets of Petrarch were the great models of compofition. They entered into the genius of the fafhionable manners: and in a court of fuch a complexion, Petrarch of course became the popular poet. Henry Howard earl Surrey, with a mistress perhaps as beautiful as Laura, and at least with Petrarch's paffion if not his taste, led the way to great improvements in English poetry, by a happy imitation of Petrarch, and other Italian poets, who had been moft fuccefsful in painting the anxieties of love with pathos and propriety.

Lord Surrey's life throws fo much light on the character and fubjects of his poetry, that it is almost impoffible to confider the one, without exhibiting a few anecdotes of the other. He was the fon and grandfon of two lords treafurers dukes of Norfolk; and in his early childhood difcovered the most promifing marks of lively parts and an active mind.

While a boy, he was habituated to the modes of a court at Windfor-caftle: where he refided, yet under the care of proper inftructors, in the quality of a companion to Henry Fitzroy, duke of Richmond, a natural fon of king Henry the eighth, and of the highest expectations.

This young nobleman, who alfo bore other titles and honours, was the child of Henry's affection: not fo much on account of his hopeful abilities, as for a reafon infinuated by lord Herbert, and at which thofe who know Henry's hiftory and character will not be furprized, because he equally and ftrongly refembled both his father and mother.

A friendship of the clofeft kind commencing between these two illuftrious youths, about the year 1530, they were both removed to cardinal Wolfey's college at Oxford, then univerfally frequented, as well. for the excellence as the novelty of its inftitution; for it was one of the first feminaries of an English univerfity, that profeffed to explode the pedantries of the old barbarous philofophy, and to cultivate the graces of polite literature. Two years afterwards, for the purpofe of acquiring every accomplishment of an elegant education, the earl accompanied his noble friend and fellow-pupil into France, where they received king Henry, on his arrival at Calais to vifit Francis the first, with a most magnificent retinue. The friendfhip of thefe two young noblemen was foon ftrengthened by a new tie; for Richmond married the lady Mary Howard, Surrey's fifter. Richmond, however, appears to have died in the year 1536, about the age of feventeen, having never cohabited with his wife. It was long before Surrey forgot the untimely lofs of this amiable youth, the friend and affociate of his childhood, and who nearly refembled himself in genius, refinement of manners, and liberal acquifitions.

It is not precifely known at what period the earl of Surrey began his travels. They have the air of a romance. He made the tour of Europe in the true fpirit of chivalry, and with the ideas of an Amadis; proclaiming the unpa ralleled charms of his mistress, and prepared to defend the cause of her beauty with the weapons of knighterrantry. Nor was this adventu

rous

His

yous journey performed without the intervention of an enchanter. The first city in Italy which he propofed to vifit was Florence, the capital of Tufcany, and the original feat of the ancestors of his Geraldine. In his way thither, he paffed a few days at the emperor's court; where he became ac quainted with Cornelius Agrippa, a celebrated adept in natural magic. This vifionary philofopher fhewed our hero, in a mirror of glafs, a living image of Geraldine, reclining on a couch, fick, and reading one of his moft tender fonnets by a waxen taper. imagination, which wanted not the flattering reprefentations and artificial incentives of illufion, was heated anew by this interefting and affecting fpectacle. Inflamed with every enthusiasm of the most romantic paffion, he haftened to Florence; and, on his arrival, immediately published a defiance against any person who could han dle a lance and was in love, whether Chriftian, Jew, Turk, Saracen, or Cannibal, who fhould prefume to difpute the fuperiority of Geraldine's beauty. As the lady was pretended to be of Tufcan extraction, the pride of the Florentines was flattered on this occafion: and the grand duke of Tuscany permitted a general and unmolefted ingrefs into his dominions of the combatants of all countries, till this important trial fhould be decided. The challenge was accepted, and the earl victorious. The fhield which he prefented to the duke before the tournament began, is exhibited in Vertue's

valuable plate of the Arundel family, and was actually in the poffeffion of the late duke of Nor folk..

Thefe heroic vanities did not, however, fo totally engrofs the time which Surrey fpent in Italy, as to alienate his mind from letters he ftudied with the greatest fuccefs a critical knowledge of the Italian tongue, and, that he might give new luftre to the name of Geraldine, attained a just taste for the peculiar graces of the Italian poetry.

He was recalled to England for fome idle reafon by the king, much fooner than he expected: and he returned home, the most elegant traveller, the most polite lover, the moft learned nobleman, and the moft accomplished gentleman of his age. Dexterity in tilting, and gracefulness in managing a horse underarms, were excellencies now viewed with a critical eye, and practifed with a high degree of emulation. In 1540, at a tournament held in the prefence of the court at Westminster, and in which the principal of the nobility were engaged, Surrey was diftinguifhed above the reft for his addrefs in the ufe and exercise of arms. But his martial fkill was not folely dif played in the parade and oftents. tion of thefe domestic combats. In 1542 he marched into Scot land, as a chief commander in his father's army; and was confpicuous for his conduct and bravery at the memorable battle of Floddenfield, where James the fourth of Scotland was killed. The next year, we find the career of his vic

tories impeded by an obstacle which no valour could refift. The cenfures of the church have humiliated the greatest heroes; and he was imprisoned in Windfor-caftle for eating flesh in Lent. The prohibition had been renewed or itrengthened by a recent proclamation of the king. I mention this circumftance, not only as it marks his character, impatient of any controul, and careless of very ferious confequences which often arife from a contempt of petty formalities, but as it gave occafion to one of his moft fentimental and pathetic fonnets. In 1544 he was field-marthal of the English army in the expedition to Bologne, which he took. In that age, love and arms conftantly went together: and it was amid the fatigues of this protracted campaign, that he compofed his laft fonnet called the Fanfie of a wearied Lover.

But as Surrey's popularity increased, his intereft declined with the king; whofe caprices and jealoufies grew more violent with his years and infirmities. The brilliancy of Surrey's character, his celebrity in the military fcience, his general abilities, his wit, learning, and affability, were viewed by Henry with difguft and fufpicion. It was in vain that he poffeffed every advantageous qualification, which could adorn the fcholar, the courtier, and the foldier. In proportion as he was amiable in the eyes of the people, he became formidable to the king. His rifing reputation was mifconftrued into a dangerous ambition, and gave birth to accufations equally groundless and frivolous. He was fufpected of a defign to marry the princefs Mary; and,

by that alliance, of approaching to a poffibility of wearing the crown. It was infinuated, that he converfed with foreigners, and held a correfpondence with cardinal Pole.

The addition of the efchutcheon of Edward the Confeffor to his own, although used by the family of Norfolk for many years, and juftified by the authority of the heralds, was a fufficient foundation for an impeachment of high treafon. Thefe motives were privately aggravated by those prejudices, with which Henry remembered the misbehaviour of Catharine Howard, and which were extended to all that lady's relations. At length, the earl of Surrey fell a facrifice to the peevish injuftice of a mercilefs and ungrateful mafter. Notwitstanding his eloquent and mafculine defence, which even in the cause of guilt itself would have proved a powerful perfuafive, he was condemned by the prepared fuffrage of a fervile and obfequious jury, and beheaded on Tower-hill in the year 1547. In the mean time we should remember, that Surrey's public conduct was not on all occafions quite unexceptionable. In the affair of Bologne he had made a false step. This had offended the king. But Henry, when once offended,could never forgive. And when Hertford was fent into France to take the command, he could not refrain from dropping fome reproachful expreffions againft a meafure which seemed to impeach his perfonal courage. Confcious of his high birth and capacity, he was above the little attentions of caution and referve; and he too frequently neglected to confult his

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