cions, and inflame their just resentment; let us cast away from us, with a generous scorn, all the lovetokens and symbols that we have been vain and light enough to accept; all the bracelets, and snuffboxes, and miniature pictures, and hair devices, and all the other adulterous trinkets, that are the pledges of our alienation, and the monuments of our shame. Let us return to our legitimate home, and all jars and all quarrels will be lost in embraces. Let the com'mons in parliament assembled, be one and the same thing with the commons at large. The distinctions that are made to separate us, are unnatural and wicked contrivances. Let us identify, let us incorporate ourselves with the people. Let us cut all the cables and snap the chains which tie us to an unfaithful shore, and enter the friendly harbour, that shoots far out into the main its moles and jettees to receive us." War with the world, and peace with our constituents." Be this our motto and our principle. Then, indeed, we shall be truly great. Respecting ourselves, we shall be respected by the world. At present all is troubled and cloudy, and distracted, and full of anger and turbulence, both abroad and at home but the air may be cleared by this storm, and light and fertility may follow it. Let us give a faithful pledge to the people, that we honour, indeed, the crown; but that we belong to them; that we are their auxiliaries, and not their task-masters; the fellow labourers in the same vineyard; not lording over their rights, but helpers of their joy: that to tax them is a grievance to ourselves, but to cut off from our enjoyments to forward theirs, is the highest gratification we are capable of receiving. I feel with comfort, that we are all warmed with these sentiments, and while we are thus warm, I wish we may go directly, and with a cheerful heart, to this salutary work.

SPEECH

OF THE RIGHT HON. SIR HERCULES LANGRISHE,

ON THE BILL "TO IMPROVE AND AMEND THE STATE OF THE REPRESENTATION OF THE PEOPLE IN PARLIAMENT," PRESENTED IN THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, OF IRELAND, ON THE NINETEENTH OF JULY, 1793.

SIR Hercules Langrishe was, for many years, a leading member of the Irish House of Commons, and was distinguished, particularly, by the soundness and liberality of his politicks, and by the ease, vivacity, and brilliancy of his eloquence. Though the uniform and strenuous supporter of all those well tempered measures of reform which have so sensibly promoted the prosperity, and meliorated the general condition of Ireland, during the present reign, he nevertheless, made the most determined resistance to all the schemes of idle, or flagitious innovation, which, were proposed in the delirium of the fever excited by the contagion of the French revolution.

Connected with the late Mr. Burke by the ties of cordial friendship, he seems, indeed, to have imbibed, in the fullest extent, his reverence for ancient establishments, and his detestation of the rude attempts of empirical presumption to amend, by any change, that constitution which had been formed by the successive wisdom of ages, and approved by the experience of inestimable benefits.

When, therefore, in the year 1793, a bill was introduced to "improve the representation of the people in parliament," it met with his decided opposition. In the speech, pronounced on the occasion, he not

only enforces the wholesome doctrines of his friend, but emulates, with peculiar felicity, some of the finest traits of his eloquence. Few speeches are more deserving of attention. We recommend it with the strongest emphasis. The statesman will recognize in it his best principles. Those who have derived their political creed from the "New School" may here learn, among other truths, "that the equality of man is what God, or nature, or civil society, never once ordained or accomplished," and that, in short, by no device, neither by agrarian law, nor universal suffrage, nor sonorous Declarations can the bed of Procrustes be applied to government.

MR. SPEAKER,

SPEECH, &c.

FOUR months have already passed, since leave was given to bring in a bill "to improve the representation of the people in parliament." The subject has therefore, in my opinion, already too long engaged the attention of the people, without having been submitted to the discussion of parliament. It now comes forward at a period of the session so far advanced, as must preclude all possibility of its present success. However, I do not wish to have it laid by, as it were, to ripen by fermentation. I cannot prevail on myself to let it go in reference to the people, with the authority of so respectable members as those who patronise it, altogether unquestioned and uncontroverted, at least, without stating some of those arguments which have impressed upon my mind a conviction of the inexpedience, and danger of the

measure.

When I had formerly the honour of addressing you on the subject of parliamentary reform, we could only regulate our opinions by the probable effects of systems, that were but speculation; and theories, which had not been tried. The present time is more enlightened, inasmuch as these theories have been reduced to practice, and we may now learn by the

experience of others, to judge with more precision and decide with more authority.

The eventful period of the last four years has furnished such abundant instruction on the subject of reform, that in addressing you on the present occasion I should find it difficult to confine myself within moderate limits, if I had not the happiness to observe that the publick mind was already embracing the wholesome admonition; and if the present stage of the bill, and period of the session, did not render unseasonable so ample a discussion. However, sir, as I rise to express sentiments of opposition to a measure that professes to be the popular wish, I must say something in vindication of those sentiments.

It is of very little consequence to the country what individual may be affected in his private interest by the operation of this bill. It is of little consequence what transfer of power may be made from one man, or set of men, to another. It is of little consequence what changes you make in the political situation of any man; provided you do not change the condition of the general happiness; provided you do not weaken the reverence for ancient establishment, or shake the stability of a constitution, which has had for its formation the successive wisdom of ages, and has proved in its effects so competent to civil liberty and progressive prosperity. But my objection to the present bill, or to your agitating the subject of it at this particular time, is that you justify popular demand, by conceding to its principle, and you disappoint the popular demand by the measure of your concession. When you concur with the people in discontents at their condition, and justify them by a partial concession, you authorize those discontents, but you do not conclude them. On the contrary, you give them perpetual succession and unceasing demand; you deface the chart of the old constitution; you level the old boundaries between government and the people, which, like those between the sea and the land, are constituted in inequa lity, and eminence of situation: and when you thus let loose the ocean of popular demand, restless and Ff

VOL. II,