THE HAJIABAD INSCRIPTION.

The leading text in the subjoined reproduction of the inscription, in the modern Hebrew type, is a transcript of the original Chaldæo-Pehlvi version. But it must be borne in mind that the local alphabet was altogether deficient in the several Hebrew letters, Y, Y, p, and V.

The parallel Persian type embodies the Sassanian Pehlvi text, or the counterpart inscription in the old Pehlvi character, the sixteen lines of which have been arranged to accord as nearly as possible with the associate sentences of the fourteen lines of the Western writing. In this case also, in applying any test of modern languages, it must be understood that the old Sassanian alphabet consisted of eighteen signs in all, one of which represented both j and 9; while another, the double Ş, has been superseded in more advanced systems. The several forms of ❤, T›

non-existent in the then developed power of expression of this alphabet.

therefore altogether ع ظ ط ض ص دثر

1

שהיפוהר

אלהא פתכלין זניי לי מזדיזן شهپوهري مزدیسن بگي 1 پتگلاهي زني لي مزدیس

מן 2 מלכין מלכא אריאן ו אנאריאן מנו שיהר من 2 ملكان ملکا ایران و انيران منو چتري

3 יאותן ברי מזדיזן אלהא ארתהשתר מלכין מלכא 3 يزتان بري مزدیسن بگي ارتهـشتر ملکان ملكا

בג פאפך 4 אריאן מנו שיהר מן יאזתן פוהריפוהר بگي پايكي 4 ایران منو چتري من يزتان

5 מלכא ו אמת לן זניי הדדיא שרית חדמתיי השתרדרין ملکا این است زني هـتـيـا شديتن ادينن لرمني شتردران

6 ברביתאן רבאן ואנאתן שרית ו נגלי פתן זניי וים 6 وبربيتان و ويركان و انـاتـن شديتن اپن لگلي پون زني دوني

ד החאימות ו הדדיא להדלהו שיתי לברא רמית ברא 7 هنهتون این هتيا لمدرز چیتان لبرا رمیتن برا

8 תמיי אנו הדדיאן פלתלהו ינבאתר יילא יהות איך ولي و ياكاين هـتـيـا رميتن تمي وياكزك لاركون لا يهوت ايك

8

9 אך שיתי בנית התנדי כללכרא שדדרא אכסי יהות 9 بهت چیتان چيتي هوي ادت بيروني پـــتـــيـاك يهوت

פנייםתר

10 התנדי אכין לן אופדשת מנו שיתי اهر لني فرمات منو چيتاي اولندلي

10 هوي

13 שיתי היף שדי ו מנו הדדיא כלהו שיתי 13 چيتاني ايو شدیتن اهر منو چتیا ولزك چيتان

14 יא מזוד להוף ידא רוב הדדין 14 رميتـن ولـي ليدي نب

root in common with the Sanskrit "to be born," "man, individually or collectively, mankind," etc. In the present inscription it appears to carry the double sense of the person (of Sapor) in this place, and subsequently in, for people of the world, in the same manner as in Persian is primarily the body, and secondarily, as in

people."

some

The, in the position it here occupies or in its subsequently curtailed form can scarcely represent anything but the grammatical, the recognised Semitic sign of the dative, which was so often employed to mark the genitive case.

“Baga and Bagi, “divine," are manifest in their derivation and meaning, as is the Chaldæan ", "a son" (from , "to form, to create"), which coincides in both versions. The contrast between the 7715 715 [yeftyc], "son's son," and the Nepos (), "a grandson," of the associate Sassanian text is curious, and a like discrimination is observed elsewhere in these inscriptions, while an earlier parallel of a similar term is to be found in the Cuneiform Nayaka, "grandfather" (J.R.A.S. xv. 160).

There is nothing that need detain us in the formal repetition of the ordinary series of titles till we come to the conjunction, in line five, which is represented in the fellow text by the word (the Hebrew and Chaldee, Syriac

, Arabic,also," "besides," etc.). The next words, x and, clearly stand for the Arabic, "coetus, multitudo" (the obsolete Hebrew DAN, "to collect," "to congregate"), which aptly falls in with the succeeding. The adventitious of the Western version is possibly the ordiaffected by Pehlvi leanings towards superfluous nuns.1

nary

and

I have already suggested to have been

1 For many years past I have been in the habit of representing these superfluous I's, or final Pehlvi núns, by the modern Arabic sign of sukún -, “a pause,” or an indication that no short vowel existed in the preceding consonant, under the impression that these mute finals in Pehlvi had something essentially in common with the characteristic home-speech of the Aryans, which originated the Cuneiform

earlier and continuously existent forms of the Pehlvi s, King, the of the later writings, which eventually reverted to its primary signification of the name of the Almighty among the Muhammadans, each and all of which terms seem to have a derivation in common with the Cuneiform Haldia (H'aldia).1

But a more ample and extended identification of the divergent varieties of the same designation may be followed in *Αλδος and Ζεὺς ̓Αλδήμιος (1999) on the one part,2 and the unus, 7, Αδάδ, 'Αράδ, 'Αδάρ, Χοδδάν, Χονδάν, on the other in the latter case it is proved from independent sources that the original name of the Sun (God) descended to the King in an almost natural course as the highest of earthly authorities.3

།

or "sign of disjunction" (J.R.A.S. x. 173), that so distinctly declared itself the Archemænian amalgamation of the literal signs and subsidiary adaptation of the clay-penmanship of Mesopotamia. Viewed under the former aspect the Pehlvi nun would seem to hold duties in common with the Sanskrit viráma, which indicated, in that grammatical system, a suppression of the short vowel a otherwise inherent in all ordinary consonants.

As far as I have been able to detect amid the mists of Pehlvi epigraphy there is no apparent grammatical purpose in the irregular addition of this concluding among the coin legends; its employment, indeed, seems to have been simply phonetic and curiously arbitrary in its application. It may, perchance, have had something to do with the ancient notion of emphasis, which the more definite isolation of a word would itself in a manner secure (see Oppert, J.A. (1857), pp. 143-4). At times these I's were clearly used for the simple purpose of barring a possible conjunction of letters that were not intended to be coupled or run into each other, as in

-Abdulaziz-i عبدولعزيزي عبدولا من در این دن ادسن دراند

Abdula.-J.R.A.S. xii. 304.

ي ابدولا ) دين دراند

}

Muhammad-i-Abdula.-J. R. A. S. xiii. 411.

1 J. R. A. S. ix. 388, 405-6, 410, 413; Jour. Asiatique, 1836, p. 14; 1864, pp. 173, 174.

2 Renan, Journal Asiatique, 1859. "Elle se retrouve peut-être dans les divi

ابوعوض et عود ou عوض nités arabes dud et Obod, qu'on croit expliquer par

tempus, pater temporis." p. 268.

3 Selden, De Diis Syris, 1662, p. 176; Renan, J.A. 1859, pp. 266, 267; "Adwdos Baσiλeùs beŵv, 268 and 273; Kitto's Cyclopædia of Bible Lit. and Smith's Dict. of the Bible, sub voce, Hadad; Josephus, vii. 2; viii. 6.

The king's worldly position and exalted pretensions towards a subdued God

and

present no difficulties in the obvious root and the numerous derivative associations of ancient speech to be found in ", "the Almighty," in the sense of "power," etc. In the same way, accepting the Sassanian as the leading version, falls in completely with ", from 1, , "Lord," ", "my lord," which we retain in our own conventional tongue in the derivative "Adwvs we learnt from the Greeks. The Semitic' from may, perhaps,

,אָדוֹן

be understood in the higher sense of the recipient of service," rather than in the later acceptation of the word, as "service." We may here pause for a moment to mark the contrasted dialects of the joint versions in the use of the Semitic genitive prefix in the one case and the employment. of the Persian Izáfat in the other.

رميتن

line five,

=

رميتن

The series of words line seven, and in lines eight and fourteen, have clearly a common origin in the root 1,3 "to be exalted." Abundant parallels of the same ruling idea are to be found in the Bible

from) שָׁמַיִם ("to ascend " עָלָה from) עליון phraseology in

,, "to be high"). While the derivative examples are familiar to our ears in "Rimmon, Ramah, Ramoth-Gilead,” etc.

The and in their absolute identity of

head had equally a fair analogy with and a simultaneous teaching in the conventional use of the mundane term for king, which was so often applied in its higher sense to the Divine power in the patriarchal ages. So that, in effect, the reigning king, the 'Ava¿ åvdpŵv, without any conception of unduly approaching the true God, was, in effect, next to God upon earth; just as THE GOD of early thought was, under the worldly idea, only the self-created supreme king. The "My King and my God," of David's prayer (Ps. v. 2), finds numerous parallels throughout Scripture. "The LORD is king for ever and ever." "Save LORD: let the king hear us when we call" (Ps. x. 16; xx. 9). See also xliv. 4; xlvii. 2, 6, 7; xlviii. 2; Proverbs xxiv. 21; Isaiah viii. 21; xxxiii. 22. "I AM the LORD, your Holy One, the Creator of Israel, your King," xliii. 15; Zech. xiv. 9; 1 Renan, J.A, 1859, p. 263-4.

Malachi i. 14.

2 "Veneratus est aliquem, quomodo dominum servus venerari debet."—Freytag. 3 Dr. Haug derives these words from N, "to throw;" but from D, "a high place, especially consecrated to the worship of idols," seems to be a better identification.Cf. Ῥαμὰς ὁ ὕψιστος θεός. "Hadad-rimmon." Selden, ii. 10. Movers. Phoen. i. 196.