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It was, therefore, in Mr. Randolph's opinion, become a question of policy, how far it was proper for the United States, to throw their weight into the scale of France, to aid her gigantic ambition. He considered our country as situated in some respects, as the successors of Alexander were in relation to Rome and Carthage. "Here is an iron republic "that threatens the liberty of mankind. The government "above all others, in Europe, to which our own is most "hateful and obnoxious. This is beyond dispute. Does it "then become us to facilitate its designs? I do not inquire as "to the motives, nor does that government care about them. "If you give it facility to effect its purposes, those purposes "are obtained, so far as it depends on you. Is this wise? is "it proper? is it right? You may help to crush Great-Bri“tain—you may assist in breaking down her naval dominion, "but you cannot succeed to it. Take away her Take away her navy, and "where are you? The iron sceptre of the ocean will pass "into his hands who wears the iron crown of the land. You

may then expect a new code of maritime law. Where "will you look for redress? I can tell the gentleman from "Massachusetts, that there is nothing in his Rule of Three "that will save us, even although he should out do himself, "and exceed the financial ingenuity which he so memorably "displayed on a recent occasion. No; let the battle of "Actium be once fought, and the whole line of sea-coast "will be at the mercy of the conqueror. The Atlantic, deep "and wide as it is, will prove just as good a barrier to his "ambition, if directed against us, as the Mediterranean did "to the power of the Cæsars."

It was not attachment to Great-Britain, nor enmity to France, which induced Mr. Randolph to make these pointed remarks. As already observed, it was with him, nothing but a question of policy. "We care not," said he, "for "the nations of Europe; but make foreign relations bend to "our political principles, and subserve our country's inteWe have no wish to see another Actium, or Phar"salia, or the lieutenant of a modern Alexander, playing at "piquet, or all-fours, for the empire of the world. It is poor "comfort to us, to be told, that France has too decided a

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"taste for luxurious things to meddle with us; that Egypt " is her object, or the coast of Barbary; and, at the most, we "shall be the last devoured. We are enamoured with nei"ther nation-we would play their own game upon them, . 16 use them for our interest and convenience. But with all my abhorrence of the British government, I should not he"sitate between Westminster Hall and a Middlesex jury, on "the one hand, and the wood of Vincennes and a file of "grenadiers, on the other. That jury-trial, which walked "with Horne Tooke and Hardy through the flames of mi"nisterial persecution, is, I confess, more to my taste, than "the trial of the Duke d'Enghein.”

Between contiguous and long settled nations there must always exist such a collision of interests, as will, necessarily, create a spirit of jealousy, excite a constant rivalry, and lay the foundation for innumerable disputes, on subjects, at first view, of trivial import. Hence the frequent wars between France and England, as well as the almost perpetual contest on the European continent, between the rival powers of that crowded quarter of the globe. Nor is this conduct either new, or strange; the republics of Greece were involved in incessant broils with each other, and that not generally from causes which multiplied and violent aggressions had provoked, or repeated and aggravated insults had rendered indispensable. This baleful propensity may be traced to one great source— to that prevailing love of power implanted in every human breast. From this, as from its parent fountain, flow those streams which so often burst over their natural boundary, lay waste the peaceful plain, and ingulph the surrounding inhabitants in one general scene of desolation. To this same fruitful source must we attribute that desire which every nation possesses for its own aggrandizement; and the consequent envy which it feels, when a rival country makes more hasty strides to wealth, extends more rapidly its dominion, or makes greater efforts to consolidate its present power. And, indeed, nations thus situated never want pretexts for warfare. It is sufficient that a cause, real or pretended, exists. The right of catching fish on Nootka Sound, the navigation of the Scheld, or the capture of a Schooner, will equally answer

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purpose. The strong is eager to attack the weak; nor does the feeble often want confidence in its own ability to repel the force of its more powerful enemy.

That such should be the effect on European nations is not wonderful; but that rivalry should have a tendency to produce similar effects between the United States of America and the governments of Europe, may well, on a cursory view, excite surprise. Yet when we come to examine the question closely, this surprise will vanish, and the spirit of national emulation will be found to exist in as strong a degree between those distant governments, as it does with those whose only boundary is a river, a line drawn between the two countries, or at most a strait of seven leagues.

We do not therefore think it was irrelevant in the member from Pensylvania, when he asserted that Great Britain is our commercial rival. This she most certainly is—or rather we are her's. For it is only since our independence, that she has had to contend on the ocean, with a neutral commerce which could in any formidable degree be injurious to her interest. To her, therefore, we are in this respect, a serious rival. Every where does the enterprise of our countrymen meet her on the seas. Alike to us are the frozen regions of Kamschatka, the dangerous navigation of the Indian seas, and the burning skies of the tropical climes. Cape Horn presents no greater obstacles to our industry than do the Capes of the Delaware. The north-west coast of our vast continent receives our visits in a nearly equal proportion as does the south; and it may be confidently asserted, that no part of the world is open to our commerce of which we have not made the trial. In this great commercial enterprise we were preceded by that nation from whose loins we are chiefly sprung. Nor is our national character lessened by the acknowledgment, that a brighter example of commercial integrity, of persevering industry, of honourable ambition, and of liberal patriotism, was never exhibited to the child by the most exalted parent, than has GreatBritain, in this respect, presented to us; and we hail, with sanguine hopes, the day when the dignity, the liberality, and the honour of the American Merchant, shall be not less proverbial, and common, than has been that of the British mer

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chant, from the first dawn of commerce in that island,' to the present eventful period.

From the above statement, there will result one obvious inference, that, until nations be influenced by different motives, and actuated by widely dissimilar principles, than they have ever yet been, a spirit of rivalry cannot easily be prevented. Yet, should we sedulously guard against fostering this temper beyond due bounds; for, unless it be governed by wisdom, and founded on the soundest policy, it is pregnant with the most dreadful mischiefs which can afflict humanity. By the opportunities which it presents for interested speculation, and individual aggression, it too often leads a nation into a war, for points which, if coolly investigated, would have been abandoned, and for objects which, when attained, were not worth the keeping. It was against this consequence that Mr. Randolph wished to warn the house. To caution his country against engaging in a contest of commercial rivalship, ere it had measured its own strength, and balanced its own power for the hazardous undertaking. “Would gentlemen," said he,” wish "to excite this young nation, as yet in the gristle, to a foreign "contest with great Britain in the full strength of manhood. "I speak of foreign war-the will and ability to defend our"selves is one thing; to act three thousand miles off, another. They may rely as much as they please upon the French Em"peror's making a separate peace with the continent, to the ex"clusion of Great Britain. If she puts out her strength, you "will feel it. This proposition will subject her to all the "evils of an American war, without any of the concomitant ad"vantages. And can you expect a tame acquiescence on her 'part ? If her minister be not a bastard, if he has one drop "of the blood of Chatham in his veins, he will die for the lib"erties of his country, sooner than surrender her indepen"dence. He will do it.-No, Sir, whatever I may think of "the vices and corruptions of the government of that country "I must applaud her intelligence and spirit, must admire her "ability, wisdom, and strength."

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To the calculations, which Great Britain was likely to make, on a review of our party divisions, Mr. Randolph allotted but a minor importance, for even her knowledge of

them could not be very accurate. He preferred, therefore, referring this suggestion to the misgivings of those gentlemen's consciences, who supported the bill, rather than to any sanguine hopes which our adversary would entertain on grounds so dubious and trifling. Yet if Great Britain could not calculate on our divisions, our pusillanimity would afford ample scope for her projective powers. She would despise that resentment, the mere effusion of mercantile cupidity, which could not be excited to honourable battle on its own ground. Much less would she be induced, by such imbecile measures, to abandon points to us, which Russia, with half a million of troops, thirty million of subjects, sixty sail of the line, and a territory more extensive than our own, could never obtain.

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