marks the solitary stragglers, that pine beneath the frozen climes of the northern and the southern poles. These are the words of Lucretius: "Mulier conjuncta viro concessit in unum, Blanditiis facilè ingenium fregere superbum. Listen, yet, again, and ponder upon the words of him, who was learned in all the learning of his times, who combined in his capacious, and comprehensive intellect, the depth of the philosopher with the sublimity of the bard. "Hail wedded love, mysterious law, true source In Paradise, of all things common else! Of father, son, and brother, first were known. Whose bed is undefil'd, and chaste pronounc❜d, Casual fruition; nor in court-amours, Mixt dance, or wanton masque, or midnight ball, To his proud fair, best quitted with disdain." It was the same conviction, that, by the virtue, or the profligacy of its females must the safety and the happiness of every nation rise or fall, which prompted that statesman, towards VOL. II. Y whom the eyes of the world are even yet turned, as their hope of refuge, to deprecate the introduction of female licentiousness into his country;-that ill-fated country, which was, then, about to witness, and speedily thereafter, did witness her own unutterable degradation, under the ominous, and the baleful influence of that minister, who unites, in his own precious character, the starched gravity of a solemn coxcomb, with the drivelling of an ideot. These are the precepts of political wisdom, which that enlightened and intrepid statesman, then uttered, in his own place on the floor of the great legislative assembly of his country; and which precepts,—(will posterity believe it?)———were, then, utterly disregarded, and voted down by a set of ministerial hirelings, who could not more effectually have conspired and plotted against the very existence of their country, if they had been paid for their traitorous exertions, by their country's vindictive and implacable enemy, than they have done by the whole of their conduct during the course of their official life. "What I am now speaking of, however, is not the danger of the political principles of France, but the still surer, and more dreadful danger of its morals. What are we to think of a country, that having struck out of men's minds, as far as it has the power to do so, all sense of religion, and all belief of a future state, has struck out of its system of civil policy, the institution of marriage ?—That has formally, professedly, and by law, established the connection of the sexes, upon the footing of an unrestrained concubinage ?—That has turned the whole country into one universal brothel ?—That leaves to every man to take, and to get rid of a wife,―(the fact, I believe continues to be so)-and a wife, in like manner, to get rid of her husband, upon less notice, than you can, in this country, of a readyfurnished lodging?" "What are we to think of uniting with a country, in which such things have happened, and where, for generations, the effects must continue, whatever formal and superficial changes prudence and policy may find it expedient to introduce in the things themselves? "Do we suppose it possible, that, with an intercourse subsisting, such, as, we know, will take place, between Great-Britain and France, the morals of this country should continue what they have been? Do we suppose, that, when this Syrus in Tiberim defluxit Orontes, when that revolutionary stream, the Seine, charged with all the colluvies of Paris,—with all the filth and blood of that polluted city, shall have turned its course into the Thames, that the waters of our fair domestic flood can remain pure and wholesome as before?-Do we suppose these things can happen?—Or is it, that we are indifferent, whether they happen or not: and that the morals of the country are, no longer, any object of our concern?— “Sir, I fear, the very scenes, that we shall witness, even in the course of the present winter, will give us a sufficient foretaste of what we may expect hereafter; and show, how little the morals of the country will be protected by those, who should be their natural guardians, the higher and fashionable orders of society. In what crouds shall we see flocking to the hotel of a Regicide Ambassador, however deep in all the guilt and horror of his time, those, whose doors have hitherto been shut, inflexibly, against every Frenchman, whom no feeling for honourable distress, no respect for suffering loyalty, no sympathy with fallen grandeur, no desire of useful example, and, in some instances, I fear, no gratitude for former services or civilities, have ever been able to excite to show the least mark of kindness or attention to an emigrant of any description; though, in that class are to be numbered men, who, in every circumstance of birth, of fortune, of rank, of talents, of acquirements of every species, are fully their equals ; and whom the virtue, that has made them emigrants, has, so far forth, rendered their superiors!—A suite of richly furnished apartments, and a ball and supper, is a trial, I fear, too hard for the virtue of London. "It is to this side, that I look with the greatest apprehension. The plague, with which we are threatened, will not begin, like that of Homer, with inferior animals, among dogs and mules, but in the fairest and choicest part of the creation; with those, whose fineness of texture makes them weak; whose susceptibility most exposes them to contagion; whose natures, being most excellent, are, for that reason, capable of becoming most depraved; who, being formed to promote the happiness of the world, when strained from that fair use, may prove its bane and destruction; retaining, as they will do, much of that empire, which nature intended for them, over the minds and faculties of the other half of the species. The woman tempted me, and I did eat,-will be to be said, I fear, of this second fall of man, as it was of the first. Sir, we heard much, last year, of the necessity of new laws to check the growing progress of vice and immorality. I suppose, we hardly mean to persist in any such projects. It will be too childish to be busying ourselves in stopping every little crevice and aperture, through which vice may find admission, when we are going to open, at once, the flood-gates, and let in the whole tide of French practices and principles, 'till the morals of the two countries shall have settled at their common level." With all these sentiments, interwoven in the very texture of our minds, and twining round each and every fibre of our hearts, we sit down to review-" The epistles, odes, and other poems, of Thomas Moore, Esq."-a book, which was first published in London, and, is now, reprinted in Philadelphia, for the edification of the American public. This same Thomas Moore has been long known, as the author of a book, called-" Little's Poems,"-an especial production, which is, to say truth, neither more nor less, than a mass of the most beggarly, bare-worn blasphemy, and vulgar obscenity, that ever raised the contempt of the wise, and the detestation of the good, done into rhyme, for the benefit of the ladies and gentlemen, whom it might concern. Goldsmith said of Theophilus Cibber,-that, as he grew older, he grew never the better.—The same may, very justly be said of Mr. Moore; for, as we shall presently find, the volume, now under review, is not, one whit, better calculated to sustain the cause of morality, than are the poems of Thomas Little, Esq. Seeing, that this is the case; and that Mr. Moore still continues his laudable endeavours to place a prostitute, the common spouse of all the town, upon the same level with a virtuous woman; therein concurring with that pious philosopher, William Godwin, who undertakes to prove in his book, mis-called Political Justice, that marriage is a wicked monopoly, and that all men and all women ought to be common, indulging themselves in promiscuous sexual intercourse, like the brutes, that perish; and, also, that if a man murder his own father, he, the parricide, is no more culpable, than is the knife, or the dagger, which he plunges into his father's heart;-seeing all this, we were very much surprised to find, that the Earl of Moira had suffered such a book to be dedicated to him. The Earl of Moira stands, and deservedly stands, among the fore-most of the greatest and the most exalted characters of Britain, for his magnanimity in public, and his amiable qualities, in private life.-Great men,—says Edmund Burke, are the guide-posts, and the land-marks of the age, and of the state, in which they live.-What they do, and what they sanction, therefore, is of the utmost weight and importance, and should neither be hastily sanctioned, nor lightly done. In what one capacity can my Lord Moira justify his permission to let such a book be dedicated to him?-As a statesman, when the principles and the practice recommended and enforced by Mr. Moore go, directly, to annihilate the very existence of the state?-As a husband, a father,—when Mr. Moore's doctrines, and precepts lead inevitably to the seduction of his wife, and the ruin of his daughter? My Lord of Moira, do you think, that Sir Philip Sydney, whom your Lordship considers as the finished model of your own excellence, the great example of your own laudable imitation ;-that Sir Philip Sidney, the most gallant warrior, the most profound statesman, and the most accomplished gentleman of his age, would have suffered his name to stand at the head of a volume, which contains language fit only for those hordes of miscreants, that frequent or inhabit bordels and bagnios? If your lordship hesitate, pray, read Sir Philip Sidney's letter to his own son, while on his travels through the European continent, and, when you find, that that intrepid hero, that flower of knightly courtesy, most earnestly, and most affectionately entreats his son, to be, above all things, firm to his country, and true unto his God, all your lordship's doubts will be, for ever, laid at rest, upon that point, at least. No, my Lord!—Sir Philip Sydney was too good a statesman, not to know that his country,-your country, my Lord, never could have any thing to fear from the arms, but that she must, always, have every thing to dread from the profligacy of France;-he, the pink of perfection, the glass of fashion, the honour and the ornament of the human race, well knew, that no nation,-no government, could ever perish but by its own hand,—and by its own consent to die ;—and that every nation signs the death-warrant of its own freedom and happiness, the moment that it forsakes its God, and tramples upon that great moral code, which was delivered by Him, in order to regulate the conduct of men, in all their duties and capacities, individual and collective. Mr. Moore's opinion of this country may be gathered from his preface, wherein he says," Though curiosity was certainly not the motive of my voyage to America, yet it happened, that the gratification of curiosity was the only advantage, which I derived from it.-The impression, which my mind received from the character and manners of those |