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SEVENTH SECTION.

IN

HISTORY OF THE PASSING TIMES.

(Continued from page 63. Vol. 2.)

N reply to the foregoing arguments, in favour of this bill, the opposers of it said that, though the national flag had been grossly outraged, and the national honour violated by Great-Britain; yet, that the mode of redress now proposed, was calculated to be as injurious to ourselves, as to Great-Britain. If carried into effect, said they, it first places greater means in the hands of our enemy than she already possesses; And secondly, we shall not be able to maintain the course which it points out, for any length of time.

In proof of these assertions, continued the opposers, we need only remark that by the resolution now before the house, we are prohibited from importing from Great Britain any articles, however necessary they may be to our comfort or convenience at the same time we are permitted to carry any articles to her market. The effect will be that our productions will accumulate in the hands of British merchants, without any means on their part to pay for them-of course, debts to a large amount, will become due from the British merchants, to American citizens. Even at present, there is some reason to doubt, if the balance of debts owing, be not in our favour.-If so, what will become of the second thing, proposed to be resorted to; namely, sequestration? The balance of injury must be against us. The report of the Secretary of the Treasury says, that there is not less than one hundred millions of Dollars of amount in American property, at the mercy of British cruizers. With this fact staring us in the face, would it be politic to expose so much property to British retaliation? When the mover spoke of the amount of British depredations, he ought to have stated, to what amount the depredations have been recently committed. It is believed, that it cannot exceed six millions of dollars. Ought therefore, the United States to resort to measures, which, in the opinion of every man, will

justify retaliation? Besides, from what source are we to get a supply of the articles heretofore derived from Great Britain? From that Island we get all the manufactures of iron, hardware, cotton, and coarse woollens. From her East India possessions we import a great variety of useful articles; and from her West-India colonies we import one article-spirits, which pays one sixth of our whole amount of duties. The amount we get from her colonies will be found to be, two millions, five hundred thousand dollars. It is objected to this last, that a substitute can be found in the product of domestic distilleries, which pay no duties. True, but are we prepared to sacrifice so large a portion of our revenue, as is derived from the duty on this article? For it must not be forgotten, that other kinds of Spirits are exported from the United States; while all we import from British settlements is consumed in this country. If the importation of British manufactures be stopped, from what source are we to be furnished? France, it is granted, has some manufactories, and she takes about one fourth of our cotton-but are we, without some more powerful reason than this, to cut off the market of the agriculturalists for this article, to the annual amount of ninety thousand bales, at present exported to Great Britain?

But the greatest injury, to the United States, will be the destruction of the revenue, occasioned by this measure. The present revenue may be estimated at twelve millions of dollars, of which five millions four hundred thousand are paid on importations from Great Britain, and her dependencies. We have an appropriation of eight millions of dollars, for the payment of the principal and interest of our public debt. Should we remain at peace this debt would be extinguished by the year 1816. But if this shall be adopted, the operations of the government and of the community, must be necessarily embarrassed. Recourse must be had to a direct taxation, which this community will be unable to pay, for want of a market for its produce-The consequences must follow; that your merchants will be bankrupted, and your agriculturalists ruined. The next consideration, with the opposers of this bill, was the effect which such a measure was likely to produce on Great Britain-We will allow, said they, that a claim might

be raised among the merchants and manufacturers of that country, and by that means induce the minister to relax in the course now pursued. This apparent lenity, however, would be at best, but of short duration. It would expire with the last echo of the noise which produced it.

But an appeal, said the opposers, may be made to the very supporters of this measure, whether or not we can ourselves endure anon-importation for more than six or eight months. To answer the demands of absolute necessity, we are altogether at present unequal. We are alike deficient of materials on hand, as we are destitute of manufactories, and manufacturers. And though in the heat of debate, and with actual aggressions before our eyes, the pulse of patriotism may beat high, yet it may be justly doubted if we are yet prepared to make any great sacrifices, where our domestic comfort and happiness are concerned.

One mean, however, said the opposers, we have in our power i. e. a partial non-importation. There are some articles which we can obtain from other countries.-Let us then prohibit these from Great Britain. By such a measure, we shall do ourselves little injury; we shall equally, with the measure proposed, show our indignation at the recent insults offered to us by that nation; and we shall make a fair experiment whether or not such conduct on our part, is the most likely to produce an equitable, and permanent influence on the future proceedings of that government towards the United States.

It was also contended by some of the opposers of this bill, that, even several of the subjects in dispute were not worth the serious representations which had been made concerning them

the carrying trade for instance. It is problematical, said they, whether or not this privilege is of any advantage to the country. The voyages are too circuitous, and the capitals necessary for these undertakings, too large, and are also kept too long out of our own nation, to give any real, or decided benefit. To illustrate these remarks, we have only to consider; that the merchant in this employ, transports foreign produce from Batavia, and the West India islands, to the United States, and after storing the cargoes for some time, he reships the same to continental European markets; in some inVOL. II.

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stances he proceeds with his profits from thence to Chinatakes in a cargo of teas, and returns home; in other instances he goes to England, purchases the manufactures of that country, and then makes a circuitous voyage of two or three years, employing that capital, which ought all this time to have been laid out in the purchase of our domestic produce.

As editors, looking at every thing which passes under our review, we cannot help here remarking; that we think, the opposers in the above case have altogether mistaken the principles of the carrying trade. See page 29-30. of the present volume of our Register.

As bearing particularly upon the subject in question, the speeches of Mr. John Randolph, deserve, and demand, a distinct notice. His opposition to the measure being unexpected by the house, seems on that account to have produced the greater effect-it was felt like an electric shock. Roused from the lethargy of infatuated democracy, the attention of every man was rivetted on the speaker; while with uncommon, though unequal talents, he poured into their ears truths, which most of them had been unaccustomed to receive, and perhaps, from the inveteracy of habit, were still unwilling to admit. We should transgress our limits, were we to take notice of every remark which is to be found in the speeches of this gentleman. We must content ourselves therefore with a brief analysis. To give a more correct view of the sentiments, style, and versatile powers of the orator, we shall frequently be obliged to quote his own words, and if the reader feel equal pleasure in the perusal, which we have done in the transcription, our end will be abundantly answered.

We will, however, say of these patriotic effusions of Mr. Randolph, in the words of Quintilian.

"Monumenta rerum posteris quærentibus tradidit. Freqentabunt ejus domum optimi juvenes, et veram viam, velut ex oraculo, petent. Hos ille formabit, ut vetus gubernator, littora et portus, et quid secundis flatibus, quid adversis, ratis poscat, docebit, et communi ductus officio, et amore quodam operis."

"He has delivered down to all posterity, who may inquire after them, the monuments and records of these transactions. Young men of character and ability will be desirous of his company and conversation, and will learn from him, as from an oracular decision, the path, which it is their interest or duty to follow. He will instruct

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them, and will form their minds; and, like an experienced pilot, will shew them what is necessary to direct and preserve the vessel, when the gale is prosperous, or when the storm is raging. He will be led to this by a sense of duty and of common good, and even by the very pleasure and satisfaction he finds in the office itself."

We will, also, add, in allusion to these orations, in the words of Athenagoras, a christian philosopher of Athens, who flourished under the Emperor Marcus Aurelius, towards the close of the second century;

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Υμεις, ω παντα εν πασι και φύσει παιδεια Χρηστοι, και μετριοι, και φιλάμε θρωποι, και της βασιλειας αξιοι, τουτοις τοις λόγοις επινεύσατε. Which being interpreted is

"Ye, who from your natural disposition, as well as from your education, are, in all things, good, and kindly affectioned, mode rate, and worthy of the state, be favourable to these speeches."

(To be continued.)

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