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respectively the genitive, dative, and accusative of amandus. There is, therefore, a participial nature inherent in these forms which justifies their inclusion in the present chapter. The Skr. tarya becomes in Pr. davva, and with elision of the d, avva. Thus Skr. बोधितव्य, Pr. बोधिदव, बोधिअव्व. So also Pr. करिदन, करिअन, which must be referred to a Sanskrit form करितव्य rather than to the classical form कर्त्तव्य, for Prakrit, as mentioned before, generally takes no heed of Sanskrit subtleties about inserting or omitting the intermediate, but treats all verbs alike, as if that letter were inserted, and it naturally gives the type to its modern descendants in all cases.

The treatment of the form so inherited from the Prakrit differs in the various languages, both in form and meaning.

Sindhi uses it as a present passive participle ending in ibo, Pr. aft, losing the a and the first v of the suffix, becomes aftat, meaning "being done." The transition from the original sense of "that which is to be (or must be) done,” into "that which is being done," is simple and natural. Examples

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Gujarati differs from Sindhi in rejecting the and retaining the अ, thus making करवो “being done,” as छोडवो m., वी./.,

n., etc., “being loosed;", however, means "bringing," where the sense has become active. The neuter of this form does duty as an infinitive, as "to go," of which more hereafter.

In Marathi the vowel preceding the wv is lengthened, and one v rejected, giving a form, which is the same for active and neuter verbs. The meaning, to judge by the

1 Trumpp, p. 54.

examples quoted, has also changed, for although properly the
same as in the older languages, "that which has to be done," it
is used in constructions where it implies "the doing" of a thing
only. It takes all three genders, and is commonly used also in
the genitive and dative cases करावयाचें and करावयास, or
कराव्यास. Thus तें मी करावयास सिद्ध आहे “I am ready to do
that” (i.e. “to the doing of"), unei aist zîencenë vit
"I have something to say to you," i.e. " with you something of
that which must be said I am." Thus it approximates some-
what to the infinitive of G., as in the following passage:
न करावा संग । वाटे दुरावावें जग ॥

सेवावा एकांत । वाटे न बोलावी मात ॥
जन धन तन । वाटे लेखावें वमन ॥

"It is proper not to associate, to be separated from the world;
It is proper to preserve solitude, not to speak at all;
People, wealth, self it is proper to consider as vomit."

-Tukaram. Abh. 1885.

Here vâte (Skr.) means "it seems," i.e. "it seems proper," like Latin decet, oportet, licet, used impersonally, and the participle agrees with the object. Thus sanga and ekânta being masc., the participles are masc. karává and sevâvâ; mât (Skr.) being fem., bolâvi is fem. also; jag, vaman neut., hence durârâven, lekhaven neut. The original meaning of a passive participle may be exhibited by supposing the sentence to be "society is not to be made. . . this seems proper," which is easily inverted into the rendering given above.

sometimes

When used in the genitive or dative case, the drops out, and they say, for instance, Megru Zuiaci arenâi पडेल “ We shall have to go to another country,” for जाक्या, literally "to us in another country of going it will fall.” Latin would here use the corresponding passive participle, Nobis eundum erit, or Skr. gantavyam asti.

Panjabi has apparently no trace left of this participle, nor

has classical Hindi, but in rustic Hindi, especially in the eastern parts of its area, as well as in Bengali and Oriya, this participle exists. In Bhojpuri it ends in a ora, without any junction-vowel, and means the doing of anything, as सुनवे न

sunbe na kailan, "they did not make a hearing,” i.e. “they would not listen," faâ afte mânve na karihaî, "they will not make an obeying," i.e. "they will not obey." It is more emphatic than a simple preterite or future, and implies that the persons referred to obstinately refused to hear or obey.

In B. and O. it is a simple infinitive, but as a noun is declined in all cases, thus B. O. देखिबा “ to see,” genitive देखिबार "of seeing," etc. As a noun, it also implies the act of doing anything, as 0. भण्ड गीत शुणिबा दोष अटे गाइबा त पाप " the hearing of, or listening to, obscene songs, is a fault, the singing (of them) is a crime" (see § 74).

§ 52. The tenses formed from this participle come next to be considered. In Sindhi the old substantive verb is incorporated, just as in the tenses derived from the present and past participles, but it is used to form a future passive from active verbs only, as (chhaḍ "abandon"), "I shall be abandoned," etc.

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Here the terminations are precisely identical in every respect with those of the active future and preterite, exhibited in the preceding sections.

In Gujarati this participle used alone, and inflected for

1 Kellogg, Grammar, p. 231.

It is,

gender, constitutes what the grammar-writers are pleased to call the second present of the second potential mood. however, really a construction of the objective, or karma, kind, in which the verb agrees with its object, and the subject or agent is in the instrumental or (as usual in G. in this construction) in the dative; thus they say मारे or में छोडवो “I ought to release," i.e. "by me it is to be released,” for

"you ought to have confidence," i.e. "by thee trust is to be made," Skr. i fare: anda:.

The genitive case also, oddly enough, forms a tense of its own, also with no trace of the old substantive verb, as छोडवानो m., नी./., नुं n. The meaning seems hardly, if at all, distinguishable from that of the nominative, and the construction is objective, as in that tense; thus

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"the work which we ought to do." I am not altogether satisfied, however, with the explanation of this tense as the genitive of the above participle, and would suggest that it may possibly be derived from the Âtmane. pres. part. in mâna, like bhavamâna. It is possible, I think, that though the Âtmanepada has dropped out of use at an early epoch, yet that this participle, not being specially recognized as belonging to that phase of the verb, may, in some dialects, have held its own. From the want of documents of the intermediate period, however, the question is one which must remain, for the present at least, obscure.

Marathi combines the terminations used by it in the indicative present and past, with this participle also, but, from a memory of its origin, employs the tense so formed somewhat in the same way as G., namely, as indicating that a thing ought to be or should be done. From this strict and primary sense other subsidiary meanings branch out, as might be expected. The neuter verb uses the direct or kartâ construction, also the bhava or impersonal; the active uses the karma and bhâva. As it is only in the direct construction that the verb is conjugated

for person, it is only in the neuter verb that the verbal terminations occur. Thus (sut "escape")—

Sing. m. 1. सुतावा 2. •वास 3. •वा Pl. 1. वे 2. वेत 3. ० वे

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The 2 plural here differs from the other tenses in preserving a separate form for all three genders, in which the final t recalls the termination of the 2 plural of the Sanskrit optative.

In the active verb with the karma construction, the participle is declined for all three genders of both numbers, but in the nominative case only, and the agent is in the instrumental, thus म्यां, तूं or त्याने सोडावा -वी वें, etc., “I, thou, he, should loose." In both neuter and active, when the bhâva construction is used, the verb stands in the neuter singular with all persons, as सुटावें or सोडावें.

Stevenson (p. 101) distinguishes no less than fourteen different senses of this tense, but the distinctions seem somewhat too finely drawn, and belong rather to the department of conventional usage than to that which deals with the organism and structure of the language.

With a short a preceding the characteristica, which is all that remains of the participial ending, M. forms a whole potential mood, which may even be looked upon as a separate phase of the verb. Thus (soḍ "loose")—

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