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become the rule to insert it, and the cases where it is omitted may be classed as exceptions.

§ 40. The participle of the present active in Pali and the Prakrit takes the forms of the a-stem of nouns, and retains the nasal throughout; thus पचंतो 02, पचंती, पचंतं 2. The variations introduced by the conjugational peculiarities of the Sanskrit verb are neglected, and all roots take this one form. Sindhi reproduces this universal Prakrit form with softening of into, and declines it for gender and number thus (hal "go")

a

m., हलंदी /

Sing. हलंदो m.,

Pl. हलंदा m., हलंदिऊं ., “ going.”

In active verbs, with which must be reckoned causals, the characteristici appears (§ 36), but here lengthened to i, as (bhar "fill")—

Sing. भरींदो m., भरींदी / Pl. भरींदा m., भरींदिजं f. “ filling.”

There are some minor exceptions and contractions which may be learnt from the special grammar of the language, but the forms given above are the regular types.

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Panjabi retains the nasal in verbs ending in vowels, as jâ "go," at "going," ho "be," "being," seü "“serve, सेउंदा "serving." In some of the rustic dialects the nasal is retained also after stems ending in a consonant, thus I have heard मारंदा or मारेंदा “ beating.” “beating.” In the classical dialect, however, the nasal is omitted after a consonant, as singular मारदा m., मारदी /f; plural मारदे m., मारदीओ f. Not unfrequently the द is dropped, and we hear जाना, हुना for जांदा, जंदा.

Hindi has two sets of forms; one indeclinable originally ended in ant, and still exists in several rustic dialects with the termination at. Chand inserts or omits the nasal at pleasure, to suit his metre, as "possessing three feet'

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(Pr. R. i. 61); an yan die sn"the ear hearing, it is broken” (ib. i. 159 ) ; रजंत “ shining,” सर्जत “ arraying,” सुभंत "being beautiful," "being cut," etc. (ib. vi. 18), but a

"playing (music)," "mounting (a horse)" (xix. 3). Tulsi Das chiefly uses the latter form, as

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"going" (Râm.

"meditating,"

"singing" (all in

Ay-k. 1); and this is also common in most medieval poets, thus Bihari Lall "placing" (Sat. 6), 777 (437) “falling" (ib.), सोहत “ being beautiful,” लसत “ appearing, " चहियत "looking" (ib. 7, 9, etc.). Kabir fa “living” (Râm. 30, 5); "being bound" (ib. 31, 3). It survives in all the dialects of the eastern Hindi area, in Oudh, Riwa, and Bhojpur, and even in the Gangetic Doab.

The other form ends in a vowel, and is in use in classical Hindi, as sing. मारता ., मारती f. ; pl. मारते ., मारतीं f. "beating." In the Braj dialect it takes the forms m., m. f. The Garhwali dialect preserves the

arfa f.; pl. a

older form, as

dialects, मारतो.

, but has also, as have the Rajputana Kellogg gives also a Kumaon form मारनू, it, just as Panjabi from

which probably arises from जांदा.

It would seem that, to account for the co-existence of these two forms, one ending in a consonant, and the other in â (=0), we must have recourse to Hoernle's theory of the ka- affix, and derive करंत, करत from Pr. करन्तो, while we derive करंता, करता from a Pr. करंतको. The ka- theory, however, thus begins to assume rather formidable dimensions, and will, ere long, require a whole treatise to itself.

Gujarati has also two forms, one indeclinable ending in at, as छोडतां “loosing,” the other declinable, as sing. छाडतो m., atƒ., án.; pl. atcar m., âî ƒ., ai n. The terminations are those of the adjective in this language (Vol. II. p. 150). There is also a form of the indeclinable participle in a, as, which,

like the Bangali, is apparently the locative singular, while that int has the ending of the old nom, pl. neuter, though, in sense, it approaches more to the locative, as và qìeni

तारा दांत भागा “ If in loosing my bonds thy teeth should break." Vans Taylor, however, distinguishes two separate words with this ending, one of which he would derive from the locative singular of Sanskrit feminines, as

कर्तुं

я, the other

he would derive from the Skr. infin., as . The first form he assumes to have been the origin of such phrases as आवतां “on my coming,” the second, of such as करतां शिखवेछे "he teaches to do." This, however, is very doubtful.2

Two forms are also observable in Marathi, or rather two sets of forms. The indeclinable ends in त्, तां, and तांना, as सुटत्, सुटतां, सुटतांना. geat, yzata. The first of these agrees with Hindi, the second with Gujarati, and the third is merely the second with an enclitic particle added for emphasis. In active verbs the characteristic & appears, as dicta, dictai, atstatar “loosing." There is also a declinable form, which, however, is not now used as a participle, but appears in the third person of the present tense, thus sing. सुटता सुटती/ सुटतें n.; pl. सुटते. सुटत्या /, m., geat

n.

It is in"seeing." Of these

Oriya has only one form for the present participle. declinable, ending in or, as,

two forms, that with the nasal is the older, though now less used, and probably comes from the Pr. neuter in, though the intermediate steps are not easily traced.

Even in the earliest writings in Bengali there is no regular present participle, but a form derived from the locative of the Prakrit is in use. It ends in दूते, as देखिते, and is now used as an infinitive, meaning "to see." Literally, it means "in seeing," and is used in this sense by Bidyâpati, and the older poets. Thus केश निङ्गाडिते बहे जल धारा। “ In wringing (or

1 Leckey, Grammar, p. 179.

2 Grammar, p. 113.

from wringing) her hair there flows a stream of water" (Pr. K.-S. 13, 15) ; हेराइते हृदये हानल पांचबान । "On seeing (her), love smote him in the heart" (ib. 15, 7). Even here, however, it becomes almost an infinitive, as जाइते पेखनु नाहर गोरी । "I saw the fair one go to bathe (i.e. in going, or while going)” (ib. 13, 13) ; कानु हेराइते एबे भेल परमाद । " In seeing (or to see ) Kánh, there has been now delight" (ib. 20, 10). So Bhârat शुनाइते शुनिते पाइब समाचार " By causing to hear, and by hearing, I shall obtain news" (Bidya S. 247).

§ 41. Having thus given the forms of the present participle, we next proceed to exhibit the tenses constructed therefrom, either with or without the addition of fragments of the old substantive verb, and it will be seen that there is great variety in the practice of the respective languages, though all the variations are sufficiently alike to justify their being classed generally as structurally present tenses. In some cases the sense of present time is more clear and definite than that afforded by the old present of the synthetic system, or, as we now call it, the aorist, while in others it has wandered away in different directions.

Sindhi,' to begin with, makes this participle into a future. In the third person of both numbers the participle is used without any addition, thus

Sing. हलंदो m., हलंदो J. Pl. हलंदा m., हलंदिऊं f. “he, she, etc., will go."

The second person, however, retains traces of the substantive verb "to be," though much abraded and indistinct, it runs Sing. हलंदें m., हलंदिJ. Pl. हलंद m., ff. “thou, ye, etc., will go."

The singular masculine ends in, just as does the corre

1 This section follows, for the most part, Trumpp, pp. 289, 291, etc.

sponding person of the aorist, and we may resolve it thus, halando asi haland' asi-haland' aï = halande. The anuswâra is here, probably, as in the aorist, put in to fill up the hiatus caused by loss of s, and first stood over the a of aï; when these two syllables were contracted into one, it took its place over that one. In the singular feminine we start from halandi asi, where the final long i of the participle is shortened, and asi = aï=è, giving halandie, a form still in use, though Trumpp gives as the classical type the still further contracted halandia. The plural masculine arises from halandâ stha, where stha has become tha, and then ha; the h being dropped, we get halandâa= halando, subsequently resolved into its present form halandaü. The plural feminine is merely the feminine of the participle, there is no trace of the substantive verb.

In the same way may be explained the first person of both numbers.

Sing. हलंदुसि m., हलंदिअसिJ. Pl. हलंदासीं ., हलंदिऊसीं /

Here, again, we meet an instance of the curious change of into, which we observed in the Panjabi and Sindhi pronouns of the first person plural and (Vol. II. p. 308). Thus halando asmi becomes halando asi, then halandu 'si, the final o being shortened to u. In the feminine, however, the elision of the a of asmi cannot take place by the old laws of Sandhi; instead, the of the participle changes to its semivowel, producing halandy asi, which the Sindhians in the present day write either as above, or हलंयसि, or even हलंदियसि. As to the termination of the plural, I am disposed to regard it as formed by analogy from a singular fa, rather than, with Trumpp, as a derivative of Skr. :, which, if the be rejected, would yield processes, ਚੀਂ.

or, but not, according to any known

§ 42. Closely analogous to the Sindhi future is the definite present in Marathi. In this tense, as in the S. future, the third

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