A. H. 727. the year 727, in the beginning of the A. D.1327. reign of Mahomed Toghluk, before the government was settled, Toormooshreen Khan, a chief of the tribe of Choghtay, and a Mogul general of great fame, invaded Hindoostan with a vast army, in order to make an entire conquest of it. He subdued Lumghan, Mooltan, and the northern provinces, and advanced rapidly towards Dehly. Mahomed Toghluk, seeing he could not cope with the enemy in the field, and that the city must soon fall, sued for peace. He sent valuable presents in gold and jewels, to soften the Mogul chief, who at last consented, on receiving almost the price of the kingdom, to withdraw to his own country, retreating through Guzerat and Sind on his return; both of which territories he plundered, and carried off many of the inhabitants. Zeea-ood-Deen Burny, who flourished under this reign, has omitted to make mention of this eventful irruption for fear of giving offence to his successor. Mahomed Toghluk, however, turned his thoughts to conquest within India; and he so completely subjected the distant provinces of Dwar-Sumoodra, Maabir, Kumpila, Wurungole, Luknowty, Chutgaun (Chitagong), and Soonargâm; that they were as effectually incorporated with the empire as the villages in the vicinity of Dehly. He also subdued the whole of the Carnatic, both in length and breadth, even to the shore of the sea of Ooman. * in the convulsions which soon after shook the But * Indian ocean, lying between Arabia and the Indian peninsula. empire, all these conquests, with the exception of Guzerat, were wrested from him, and continued separate. The causes of the disturbances were chiefly these the heavy taxes which in this reign were imposed on the inhabitants of the Dooab, and other provinces; the passing of copper money for silver, by public decree; the raising of 370,000 horse for the conquest of Khorassan and Mawurool-Nehr; the sending of 100,000 horse towards the mountains between India and China; the cruel massacre of many Mahomedans, as well as Hindoos, in different parts of India; and many other lesser reasons, which, for the sake of brevity, we forbear to mention. The duties levied on the necessaries of life realised with the utmost rigour, were too great for the power of industry to cope with the country, in consequence, became involved in poverty and distress. The farmers fled to the woods, and maintained themselves by rapine; the lands were left uncultivated; famine desolated whole provinces, and the sufferings of the people obliterated from their minds every idea of subjection. The copper money, for want of proper regulations, was productive of evils equal to those already specified. The King, unfortunately for his people, adopted his ideas upon currency from a Chinese custom of using paper on the Emperor's credit, with the royal seal appended, in lieu of ready money. Mahomed Toghluk, instead of stamped paper, struck a copper coin, which he issued at an imaginary value, and caused it to pass current by a decree throughout Hindoostan. The mint was under bad regulations. Bankers acquired large fortunes by coinage. Foreign merchants made their payments in copper to the home manufacturers, though they themselves received for the articles they sold silver and gold in foreign markets. There was so much corruption practised in the mint, that for a premium to those persons who had the management of it, merchants had their coin struck considerably below the legal value; and these abuses were connived at by the government. The great calamity, however, consequent upon this debasement of the coin arose from the known instability of the government. Public credit could not long subsist in a state so liable to A. H. 727. A. D. 13 26. revolutions as Hindoostan; for how could the people in the remote provinces receive for money, the base representative of a treasury that so often changed its master? From these evils the discontent became universal, and the King was at length obliged to call in the copper currency. Such abuses had occurred in the mint, however, that, after the treasury was emptied, there still remained a heavy demand. This debt the King struck off, and thousands were ruined. The state, so far from gaining by this crude scheme, had exhausted its treasury; and the bankers, and some merchants, alone accumulated fortunes at the expence of their sovereign and the people. Mahomed Toghluk, at the representation of Ameer Nowroze Beg, a Mogul chief, who, with thousands of his tribe, had entered into the service, buoyed himself up with hopes of the facility of reducing both Persia and Tartary. But, before these projects could be put in execution, the troops were all in arrears. These, finding they could not subsist without pay, dispersed, and carried pillage, ruin, and death to every quarter. Such are the calamities comprehending the domestic transactions of many years. The public treasury thus exhausted by his former impolitic scheme, the King resolved to repair his losses by putting in execution a project equally absurd. A. H. 738. Having heard of the great wealth of China, Mahomed Toghluk conceived the idea of subduing that empire; but, in order to accomplish his design, it was found necessary first to conquer the country of Hemachul*, which lies between the borders of China and India. Accordingly, in the year 738, he ordered 100,000 horse, under the command of his sister's son, Khoosrow Mullik, to subdue this mountainous region, and to establish garrisons as far as the frontiers of China. When this should be effected, he proposed to advance in person with his whole army to invade that empire. The nobles and counsellors of state in vain assured him, that the troops of India never yet could, and never would advance a step within the limits of China, and that the whole scheme was visionary. The King insisted on making the experiment, and the army was accordingly put in motion. Having entered the mountains, small forts were built on the * Nepal, and the countries on both sides of the Himmalaya mountains. A. H. 735. road, to secure a communication; and A. D. 1337. proceeding in this manner, the troops reached the Chinese boundary, where a numerous army appeared to oppose them. The numbers of the Indians were by this time greatly diminished, and being much inferior to the enemy, they were struck with dismay; which was only increased, when they considered their distance from home, the rugged country they had passed, the approach of the rainy season, and the scarcity of provisions, which now began to be severely felt. With these feelings, they commenced their retreat towards the foot of the range of hills, where the mountaineers, rushing down upon them, plundered their baggage, and the Chinese army also followed them closely. In this distressing situation the Indian army remained for seven days, suffering the extreme of famine. At length, the rain began to fall in torrents; the cavalry were up to the bellies of their horses in water. The waters obliged the Chinese to remove their camp to a greater distance, and gave to Khoosrow Mullik some hopes of effecting his retreat; but he found the low country completely inundated, and the mountains covered with impervious woods. The misfortunes of the army seemed to be at a crisis; no passage remained to them for retreat, but that by which they entered the hills, which was occupied by the mountaineers; so that in the short space of fifteen days the Indian army fell a prey to famine, and became the victims of the King's ambition. Scarcely a man returned to relate the particulars, excepting those who were left behind in the garrisons; and the few of those |