Western Literary Magazine.

A BRIEF HISTORY OF HUNGARY.

Original

BY THE EDITOR.

THE want of harmony among those who, in Vienna, might have given a proper turn to the revolution, rendered the cause of Hungary far more deeply embarrassed. The high Austrian aristocracy had not deigned to give much attention to a matter that they believed would soon regulate itself, and had retired to their estates to await the reaction which they looked upon as the natural subsequent to a popular revolution. This left the cause in the hands of men who had far less to hazard, and who, consequently, acted with much less caution. Exclusive Germanism was the pet scheme of one party, and democracy of another, while Hungary only asked for "Constitutional Rights."

Intercepted letters from the Croatian headquarters exposed the design, not only to subdue Hungary, but to destroy the vital principle of constitutionalism that had gained a brief victory over all Europe.

Batthyanyi, despairing of securing the liberty of Hungary, on the 1st of October, presented his second resignation to the Emperor. On the 3d, the appointment was tendered to Baron Reesey, on condition that he would dissolve the Diet, appoint Jellachich Civil and Military Governor of Hungary, and declare the country in a state of siege. News, however, reached Vienna that the Croatian army had not subdued Pesth, and that they did not advance as victors. At this crisis, the German battalion, Richter, was ordered into Hungary to support Jella

chich. Hitherto it had been supposed, by the mass, that it was merely a difficulty been Croatia and Hungary, but now it became apparent that it could be no other than a war between Hungary and Austria. This last step had been taken without the sanction of the Diet, and the soldiers themselves were by no means satisfied with the order, and when they arrived at the railroad station, where they were to take passage, they cried out: "The Hungarians are our brothers-not our foes! What have we to do with the Croates?" In their company walked National Guards, partly armed and partly unarmed, while on the embankments of the railway, near the Danube, were crowds of students, National Guards, and workmen. One of the students finally made a speech, appealing to the commander, General Bredi, against their march into Hungary. He promised to endeavor to persuade the Minister of War to retract the order, and for that purpose rode back to the city. He soon returned with the order renewed, and several troops to aid in enforcing it.

The crowd pressed so closely upon the soldiers that they could not comply with the order; the troops fired, several of the National Guards were killed, and General Bredi himself fell dead from his horse. The alarm spread through the town; barricades rose; the Guards were called out with ordinance; there was heard in the distance, thundering along the Danube, the boom of cannon, the shout of onslaught, the peal of victory. The people were victorious, and Count Latour, Minister of War, was hung by the enraged populace.

The Emperor had fled to Olmutz, and thither his Ministers now followed, unrestrained by the victorious populace, who did not even attempt to interrupt communication between the Emperor and his friends in Vienna. They armed themselves from the arsenal, but would only act on the defensive, refusing to attempt to destroy Auersperg, who had encamped near the city with 10,000 troops. Jellachich, in the meantime, crossed the Austrian frontier, and joined Auersperg in blockading Vienna. They commenced some attacks upon outposts, and fired the first cannon shot, by it declaring unequivocal hostility. At this juncture, Bem, a brave Polish officer, reached Vienna, intending to proceed to Hungary and offer his services to the government. He was desired

to take the command of the defence of Vienna, and complied. The Hungarians stood ready to aid them, if called upon, but chose not to take any steps that might be regarded as unconstitutional, and the Diet, equally law-abiding, hesitated to take the matter out of the hands of the Committee of Defence, to whom it properly belonged. But, pressed by the increasing force of the besiegers, they at length intimated to the Hungarians their need of aid; and at the same crisis arrived Prince Windischgratz, with authority, both civil and military, for the whole monarchy except Italy. His first step was to summon all the staff officers of the Hungarian forces to proceed, without delay, to his headquarters.

Kossuth had rallied an army of 12,000 men, and hurried to cross the frontier to join the Hungarian troops, under Moga, that had already advanced beyond the borders. When the proclamation of the Prince reached him, Kossuth assembled all the officers and read it to them, declaring every one free to leave the Hungarian camp; but at the same time he poured out, in torrents of resistless eloquence, his earnest appeals that they would be true to their country. About a hundred officers, most of them foreigners, declared their determination to leave the Hungarian army. He immediately proceeded to re-organize his troops, and on the following day sent Col. Ivanka, as a herald, to Prince Winflischgratz, with the summons to discontinue the bombardment of Vienna, and re-establish the communication between Hungary and Vienna, which had been interrupted by the Austro-Croatian army. On the return of Ivanka, he was seized by order of Jellachich, and retained prisoner..

In council, some of the Hungarian officers favored the idea of retiring to Hungary, but Kossuth felt that, though not directly bound to protect Vienna, yet, as their siege had grown out of their sympathy with their cause, it would not look well in the eyes of foreign countries, who now looked upon them with deep interest, to abandon it. Gorgey, too, who afterwards proved a second Arnold, loudly advocated both the duty and practicability of the scheme, although the Hungarians could only command 30,000 men, while Windischgratz mustered 70,000.

Their counsels prevailed, and the troops advanced towards Vienna,

and on the 29th of October, encamped on the height, opposite to Thannsworth and Schwechat, from which they could see, in the distance, the fires of the Austrian camp. They lit their signal beacon, expecting to see it returned from the tower of St. Stephen, not knowing, that the day previous, Vienna had made an armistice and declared its willingness to capitulate.

On the 30th, a thick veil of mist covered the surrounding country. At 8 o'clock, the first cannon shot boomed from the Austrian army, and was received with loud shouts of joy by the Hungarians. The result of this battle was the loss of about 200 men on the part of the Hungarians, and 400 of the Austrians. The Hungarians showed both bravery, skill, and the talents of Gorgey were so conspicuous that when Moga fell from his horse wounded, and handed in his resignation, Kossuth appointed him to the chief command on the field.

We have thus far entered minutely into the history of Hungary, to show for what she contended, and that she was forced into this contest for the support of no new measure, but for the maintenance of constitutional rights. Nor were the pacific efforts, so long resorted to for the adjustment of their difficulties, confined to mere politicians. The Bishops assembled at Pesth, prepared, and transmitted to the Emperor at Olmutz, a most touching appeal, setting forth the deplorable effects of the long fostered civil contests that had been encouraged by Austrian policy, and entreating, in the name of God and the Church, that the royal authority might interpose, and render justice to an outraged people. Neither the voice of the Church, nor the strength of his oath, availed to save the monarch from the influences that surrounded him and controlled his imbecile steps.

About the middle of November, Kossuth returned to Pesth, and in council with the Committee of Defence, entered into arrangements for the winter campaign. This was no mere child's play, for on the Moravian frontier stood Simonich, with 12,000 men; Schlick, with 15,000, occupied the Galician side, while, from Transylvania, Puchner, Wardener, and Urban, occupied threatening positions. The Banat was also endangered by the Serbs. From Transylvania the greatest danger was apprehended, and thither Bem, who had left Vienna at the earliest

opportunity to connect himself with the Hungarian army, was ordered with a force of about 8,000 men. With these he bravely promised to invade Transylvania in a fortnight-would beat Wardener, and take Dees, and then Kolosvar-would then chase away Urban, and finally effecting a junction with Szekelys, would drive the Austrians out of the Saxon land at the point of the bayonet. This, and even more, he faithfully accomplished.

While at all points the arms of the Hungarian troops were achieving wonders that even exceeded their own most sanguine hopes, Kossuth made one more effort for an amicable adjustment, through Mr. Stiles, Envoy of the United States in Vienna, entreating Prince Windischgratz, in the name of humanity, to grant an armistice to the Hungarians; but the only conditions on which he would treat were unconditional surrender.

In the midst of these disheartening negotiations, the intelligence arrived that the Emperor Ferdinand had abdicated at Olmutz; that his brother, Francis Charles, had renounced his claim to the throne in favor of his son, a youth of nineteen, who was now Emperor. This gave a gleam of hope, for it was thought that at least a brief amnesty would celebrate his accession. But there was no change in the policy. It was only to affect to throw off legally the obligations assumed by the Emperor when he received the crown of Hungary and swore to support its constitution, for the Camarilla had been greatly annoyed by the frequent allusion of the Emperor to this oath, when they had urged him to its direct violation. They had assumed the Metternich theory, that coronation oaths, conventions, and compacts between the people and their sovereign, bound only the monarch who signed them, and not his

successors.

On the first of January, a council of war was held at Pesth, and a deputation, headed by Batthyanyi, Deak, and Archbishop Lonovics, was sent to the camp of Windischgratz with proposals of peace. The Prince, instead of treating with them honorably, detained them as prisoners, declaring that he would not treat with rebels, and would listen to nothing but an unconditional surrender.

The last hope of reconciliation had now vanished, and nothing