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The thane who undertakes the temptation recurs to Satan's feelings of savage jealousy to man,' and exults in the blow struck through him against God. His whole speech after his success throbs with joy in revenge and in anticipation of his lord's approval:

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hyze ymb heortan zerume: ealle synt uncre hearmas zewrecene, lades pæet wit lanze poledon."

To recur, however, to the passages quoted from Cynewulf's Christ and the Fallen Angels: it has been noted that the rewards and punishments offered by Christianity are transformed so that they appeal to Anglo-Saxon emotional ideals as well as physical (v. s.) The appeal of the contrast between them is directed especially to the sense, so deep in the Anglo-Saxon mind, of the transitory nature of life:

her bið feoh læne, her bið freond læne,
her bið mon læne, her bið mæz læne:
eal pis eorpan zesteal idel weorþeð!“

To a mind with this consciousness, the fervor of earth-contempt expressed in the Christ was no difficult development; and even in less extreme cases, there appears instinctive attraction to the Christian inference:

Wel bið þam pe him are seceð, frofre to fæder on heofonum, þær us eal fæstnunz stondeo!"

Beowulf's "Wyrce se pe mote domes ær deade" still lives in the Christian poems, though in the latter the glory to be sought is

1 Ll. 733-36; 749, 750.

See pp. 44, 45.

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8 Thus Gods bids Andreas "wes a domes zeorn” (Andr., l. 959). Appreciation of glory is shown also in Daniel (ll. 455-59), where the "children" gain glory and renown, instead of merely being promoted, as in the Vulgate (Daniel 3: 97).

that of loyalty to God;' Teutonic wisdom still rules, though it also lies in the service of God, and in the sacrifice of the brief joys of sin for the eternal bliss of heaven." The ideal of faithfulness is strengthened by common-sense, for the ultimate issue of the struggle is certain. In all the scriptural poems, it is emphasized that God's side always wins-his foes inevitably suffer. In Exodus the destruction of the Egyptians is explained—“hie wið god wunnon." The same reason accounts for the fall of Satan"he wann wið heofnes waldend." Abraham prospers because the Lord favors him," and wins the battle against Lot's foes: "him on fultum zrap heofonrices weard." So in Daniel, the Jews prosper while they deserve God's favor, but incur disaster through choosing deofles craft.

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The moral of the poems is thus plain, however difficult it may be to decide to what extent its deliberate inculcation was mingled with other aims. And, though the varying motives with which subjects from the literature of Christianity were treated must be resigned to theories confessedly hazardous, the effect of that treatment, in general tendencies at least, is plainly to be traced. It is too much to hope altogether to have escaped exaggerated statement and over-eager inference. The general conclusions, however, depend on no single detail, and historical circumstances, so far as they are known, confirm and explain the tendencies noticed in the poetry itself, in the transformation of the stories, motives, and conceptions introduced by Christianity.

UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER 1904

1 Cf. Christ, 11. 1577–89.

2 Cf. Ibid., 11. 1293-96, 1315-25; Seafarer, 11. 72-80.

ARTHUR R. SKEMP

3 It is interesting here to contrast the Christian God with the Teutonic pagan gods. Grimm remarks: "It is to my mind a fundamental feature of polytheism that the good and beneficent principle in the Divine preponderates: only some isolated deities, subordinate to the whole, incline to the evil and hurtful, like the Norse Loki.”—Teut. Mythol., Vol. III, p. 984. Yet though the good powers predominate, individually they are always fallible little removed from the heroes-especially subject to temptation and malice. The God of Christianity, on the other hand, is almighty, and the very existence of his opponents is allowed only to heighten the glory of his followers. (Cf. Gotfred of Viterbo, quoted by Grimm, Vol. III, p. 986.)

4 L. 514.

5 Gen., 1. 303; cf. also 11. 77, 345, 346; Christ, 1. 1525.

7 Ibid., 11. 2572, 2573; cf. 11. 2057-59.

6 Gen., ll. 1945-51.

8 Ll. 7 ff., especially ll. 15, 16.

THE SOURCE AND COMPOSITION OF ILLE ET

GALERON

The student of mediaeval literature interested in the development of the legend of the husband with two wives is forced to take a decided attitude with reference to the source and structure of Gautier d'Arras' poem on the adventures of Ille and Galeron, which represents an important member in the group of stories in which this legend is related. In his edition of this poem,' Förster formulates, on p. xxii, his conclusions with reference to this point as follows: "unser Gedicht ist. . . . nichts anders als die im Sinne einer idealen Liebesauffassung streng durchkorrigierte Ueber- oder besser Umarbeitung des Lai von Eliduc. He hesitates between the version of this lay rimed by Marie de France, "oder einer einfacheren, vielleicht ungeschriebenen Fassung" (p. xxiii), since he believes that the two episodes of the shipwreck (11. 815-68) and the resuscitation by means of a marvelous herb (11. 1032-66) in Marie's poem are later additions to the story "welche mit dem Stoffe des Eliduc in keiner ursächlichen Beziehung stehen." This thesis he then tries to fortify by means of a detailed comparison of the two poems.

This conclusion was rejected by Gaston Paris in Romania, XXI, p. 278, for the reason that the motive of the injured eye, which causes the separation of Ille and Galeron and forms in a way the pivot of Gautier's whole story, is incompatible with the Eliduc lay and is in itself intimately connected with another idea, also unknown to the lay, viz., that of the original social difference between Ille and his wife. He recognized, however, the relation between the two poems, and maintained (Hist. litt., XXX, p. 600, and elsewhere) that Ille et Galeron derives in part from the same source as the Eliduc lay." This same view of the relation of the two poems was accepted by Warnke in the notes to Eliduc in

1“ Ille und Galeron von Walter von Arras," Rom. Bibl. VII (Halle, 1891). 2" Ille et Galeron venu d'un lai perdu qui, dans sa plus grande partie, n'était qu'une variante de celui d' Eliduc de Marie de France." (Cf. Litt. franç. au moyen âge, 3d ed., p. 113.)

his second edition of the Lais of Marie de France. To the reasons advanced by Gaston Paris he adds that the two episodes of the shipwreck and the resuscitation absent in Ille et Galeron appear to be essential features of the Eliduc story. This particular side of the problem we are not prepared to discuss at present. It belongs to a larger comparative study of the legend of the husband with two wives, sketched in general outline by Gaston Paris (La poésie du moyen âge, deuxième série,' pp. 109 ff.), which we shall take up in the near future. Here we intend to limit ourselves to a detailed examination of Förster's conclusions with regard to the direct source of Gautier's poem.

The contents of both Eliduc and Ille et Galeron are so well known and so easily referred to in the editions already cited that we may abstain from repeating the stories. It will be useful, however, before going farther, to determine in barest outline the form which the Eliduc story must have had, if Förster's supposition, that the two episodes just cited are later interpolations, is correct.

Eliduc, happily married to Guildeluëc, finds himself suddenly maligned by his enemies, and he leaves his wife to seek adventures and peace of mind in new surroundings. He arrives at the court of the king of Exeter, who is hard beset by a rejected suitor for the hand of his daughter. Eliduc takes up his cause and overcomes the enemy. In consequence the princess falls in love with him, and the king appoints him his chief minister. For a while he struggles feebly between his new passion and his duty to his marriage vows. The call of his former liege lord causes him to return for a short period to his wife, but as soon as his services are no longer needed he leaves her upon some shallow pretense to return to Guilliadun, his new love. The two then manage to escape together and arrive at Eliduc's home, and when the wife learns the true state of affairs, she withdraws to a cloister, while Elidue and Guilliadun live happily together until remorse overcomes them and they also enter monasteries to seek pardon for

their sin.

It must be confessed that a comparison of this outline with the skeleton of Ille et Galeron makes Förster's theory stand out

1 Halle, 1900 (Bibl. Norm., III, p. cl).

2 Paris, Hachette et Cie., 1903.

in a rather favorable light. The story of this roman d'aventure, if conceived as an anti-Eliduc and stripped of all accessory details, can readily be presented as in every way the opposite of this lay. Like Eliduc, Ille leaves his wife, but he remains faithful to her, and when Ganor falls in love with him he rejects her advances, agreeing to the marriage from a feeling of pity only when he receives what he has every reason to accept as definite proof that Galeron has disappeared. When she suddenly reappears on the scene, he does not for a moment waver in his duty, and only when his first wife of her own determination, and for reasons in no wise concerned with his relation toward Ganor, has sought refuge in a nunnery does he finally marry his second wife.

While the two stories, when thus reduced to their barest outline, are undoubtedly the one the reverse of the other, it is nevertheless questionable whether the exact relation between them has been made clear; for the possibility should be taken into consideration that they are literary representatives of two opposite types-a contingency which Förster does not seem to admit. His theory is, moreover, absolutely dependent upon the relative age of the Eliduc lay and Gautier's poem, for though he concedes the possibility of the dependence of Ille et Galeron (I) upon an earlier, simpler Eliduc lay (E'), yet his whole argumentation is based upon Marie's poem' (E). It would follow that her work must have been rather mechanical; for on no other supposition would it be permissible to establish the relation of I to E1 through minutiae of similarity and verbal contact between I and E2. And the difficulty of this whole theory is all the more apparent when Marie's statement, E' ll. 1-4, is taken into account, that she translates her lay from the Celtic. Under these circumstances it is important to consider the passages in either poem which may have a possible bearing upon the question of its immediate source.

Marie's testimony is direct. Her poem begins with a reference to a mult anciën lai Bretun, of which she will relate le cunte e tute la raisun. Then she gives a succinct outline of

Warnke then goes a step farther and uses this relationship of the two poems to confirm the chronological order of Marie's works; cf. Die Fabeln der Marie de France (Halle, 1898), p. cxvi.

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