dædum domfæste, dryhtne zecorene Feodnes rezna, Frym unlytel.' Similar phrases occur repeatedly in Andreas, the Fates of the In the preservation of the heroic character of the struggle between good and evil, one aspect of the attacks of the devil is especially noteworthy. When the fiends come against Andreas, the command given by their leader is Lætad zares ord earh attre zemal in zedufan in faezes ferð!? This idea of the devil shooting his arrows against the follower of So in Beowulf: .. He [God] his aras ponan of his bræzdbozan biterne stræl. Forpon we fæste sculon wið þam færscyte þy læs se attres ord in zebuze biter bordzelac under banlocan, feonda færsearo: pæt bið frecne wund, Se weard swefeð, sawele hyrde: bid se slæp to fæst The context of the Beowulf passage clearly shows the nature of 1 Ll. 3 ff. They are shafts of sin, leveled against the 4 Beowulf, 11. 1741 ff.; cf. also Christ, 11. 774, 778-81; Juliana, 11. 382 ff. unwary.' It is very difficult, however, to decide to what extent these expressions may be interpreted literally, to what extent they must be considered figurative. Suggestions of such imagery occur in the New Testament itself (e. g., Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians, 6:16, where the Vulgate reads "In omnibus sumentes scutum fidei, in quo possitis omnia tela nequissimi ignea exstinguere"), and Paul's phraseology is closely paralleled in the Juliana passage. On the other hand, there can be little doubt. that the conflicts of the saints and devils, whatever symbolic value they may ultimately possess, were taken in an entirely literal sense in the Anglo-Saxon poems; while an idea similar to this of the devil's shafts was literally accepted in the superstitions of darts, maliciously shot by elves and hags, striking the victim with sickness." The motives and conceptions of warfare leave their mark on the aspects of Christian life least anticipated in Anglo-Saxon paganism. The New Testament conception of the struggle between the higher and lower natures in man was developed in early Christianity, as already said, into a doctrine of asceticism. This form of godly life was familiar both to Celtic and Latin Christianity in Britain, enshrined in stories of the saints, and actually illustrated by hermit and recluse in Britain itself. Even here the favorite 1Cf. wrape firene. . . . synna wunde (Christ, ll. 1313, 1314): "[ic him] þurh earzfare in onsende in breostsefan bitre zeponcas."-Juliana, 11. 404, 405. 2 In Guthlac Death is represented in very similar phrases: "Dead nealecte stop stalzonzum strong and hreče, This passage may be taken to support either view; prima facie it confirms the literal interpretation, for Death seems conceived as an actual being, like the Norns, not as an abstraction personified. On the other hand, the passage is set among phrases which cannot be taken metaphorically. Thus, a few lines before another passage where Death is called wiza walzifre (11. 970-72), Guthlac's sickness is described: while in the passage quoted above, the metaphor of the darts is followed, in ll. 1117, 1118, by another-that of keys unlocking the life-hoard. At least the elaboration and repetition of the idea, even if the expression must not be taken as literal, show its particular aptness to the Anglo-Saxon mind, and illustrate the general tendency of Anglo-Saxon motives. ideals are applied;' and Guthlac is described as a warrior, while his self-mortification becomes a form of heroism. The courage of patient suffering is similarly transferred to the heroic category. When God sends Andreas to endure the tortures of the heathen and the fiends, meotud mihtum swið sæde his mazorezne: "Scealt pu, Andreas, ellen fremman!"? The tendency to select, develop, and realize the elements in Latin Christianity most capable of connection with warlike motives and conceptions is perceptible also in the presentation of emotions in the poetry. We have seen that the greatest hope of the warrior was in the glory of brave and loyal service; his greatest fear, of the shame brought by faithlessness and cowardice. With these ideals were associated the joy of the victor, savagely gloating over the fallen enemy; and conversely, the shame of the vanquished, quickened by the thought of the foe's triumph. The sadness of life consisted less in physical ills than in sorrow for loss, in bitterness of exile, and in the sense of powerlessness against fate. These emotions appear clearly in the scriptural poetry. The torments of hell lie not only in physical torture but in mental anguish-in the sense of exile," of sorrow for lost joys," in impotent hatred and envy.' The devil vanquished by Juliana feels the shame he has incurred." At the Judgment Day, according to the Christ, to the wicked sar odclifeð9 proht, reodbealu on Freo healfa. The first source of torment is anticipation of the fires of hell; this receives briefest mention of the three, and adds a touch of exile"awo sculon wraec winnende wærzðu dreozan.” The second is the shame of exposure before the multitude: ponne is him oper earfepu swa some scyldzum to sconde, pæt hi pær scoma mæste nales feara sum firenbealu laðlic and pæt ællbeorhte eac sceawiad 1Cf. also pp. 41, 42. 2 Andreas, ll. 1207 f. 3 See pp. 34 ff. 5 E. g., Christ, 11. 1515, 1616-18. 7 Genesis, 11. 388-72, 385-88, 393, 394, 433, 134, 733-37, 750-60. 8 Juliana, 11. 526-30, 539-42. See also pp. 17, 18, 27, 28. 6 Fallen Angels, 11. 184 ff.; Genesis, 11. 365 ff. 9 Christ, l. 1267. heofonenzla here and hælepa bearn, ealle eorðbuend and atol deofol mircne mæzencræft, manwomma zehwone.1 The third is the bitterness of seeing the joys of the blessed: ponne bið þæt pridde pearfendum sorz cwipende cearo, þæt hy on pa clænan seoð, hu hi fore goddædum zlade blissiað." ne bið him hyra yrmou an to wite, se para operra ead to sorzum.3 Similarly, of the three signs of the blessed with which these are contrasted, the first is their públic glorification: An is ærest orzeate þær, pæt hy fore leodum leohte blicap blæde and byrhte ofer burza zesetu. The second-the sight of the glories of heaven-is mentioned briefly; the third receives the chief emphasis-joy in beholding the torments of the damned: Donne bid pridde, hu on pystra bealo ponne hi þæt yfel zescoð oðre dreozan pæt hy purh miltse meotudes zenæson." Again, as the sorrows of hell include exile, the joys of heaven include, in addition to physical rewards, enjoyment of the love and the embrace of the lord,' in the fatherland: 9 Ibid., 11. 307 ff. In no poem where Anglo-Saxon influences alone operate, however, do the emotions represented become so thoroughly Teutonic as in Genesis B. This distinction may be associated with the attempt to give plausibility to the story,' as characteristic of a more mature narrative art than that of any Anglo-Saxon poet who treated scriptural or quasi-scriptural subjects. quasi-scriptural subjects. Pride was the traditional motive for Satan's rebellion, and this is adopted with ready comprehension. Ne meahte he at his hize findan, ræt he zode wolde zeonzerdome peodne peowian; puhte him sylfum, ræt he mæzyn and cræft maran hæfde folczestælna.2 Other motives stimulate this pride, and the ambition with which it is so closely associated. He has confidence not only in himself, but in his friends and followers: Bizstandað me stranze zeneatas; þa ne willað me æt þam stride zeswican, hælepas heardmode: hie habbað me to hearran zecorene rofe rincas; mid swilcum mæz man ræd zeþencean fon mid swilcum folczesteallan; frynd synd hie mine zeorne holde on hyra hyzesceaftum.3 The Teutonic coloring is equally strong in Satan's feelings after the fall. His heart swells as he thinks of his former state,* and he denounces the injustice of God. The thought of man enjoying his lost glories galls him above all, and revenge alone can bring him ease. Sioðan ic me sefte mæz restan on þyssum racentum, zif him þæt rice losað." Equally characteristic is Satan's appeal to his thanes; he recalls the gifts he gave them in happier times, and promises as a reward to the successful volunteer |