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who served in Burma, a native of that tribe. Even the Persian author Rashid (according to Dr. Bretschneider) mentions Subudai as an “Uriangkhit.” It is difficult to explain why the name of a Mongol tribe should be thus apparently transferred to the whole people of Manchuria, except on the hypothesis that, as we have seen, those Nüchens who were ignorant of Chinese ways were assimilated to Mongols; and perhaps the Uliangha tribe was preëminent there when the Mings drove the Mongols from China. It is a curious fact that the modern Coreans have a word Orangk'ai, meaning (so far as I could ascertain when in Corea) “ foreigners,” but only those to their north in Chinese territory.
Both the Kitan and the Nüchen histories mention a Wolangkai tribe bringing tribute of deer and dogs. Finally, amongst the five Nüchen tribes the Mongol history enumerates Wotolin ; and Manchu history says that the first ancestor of whom they have any record-Nurhachi, born in 1559-came from Otoli, which was between Ninguta and Kirin, on the head-waters of the Hurka River.
To come now to the present dynasty. Its originator, Nurhachi, only gradually discovered, after conquering the tribes around him, that they practically all spoke one and the same language, or dialects of it. Among those tribes he mentions the Noyin, Wanyen, Hurka, Tung-hai, Wochi, and Khuifa, the last five all mentioned in Nüchen history, the last one in Kitan history, and the first is perhaps one of Nayen's old districts. Wochi is plainly Uje, Uche, or Ushe. Whilst a mere chieftain, we find Nurhachi descanting upon the virtues of Ulu and the vices of Tikunai, so that he must even then have had some knowledge of Nüchen history ; in 1619 his state was bounded by Corea, the river Nun (Petuna), the Korchin Mongols, and then eastwards over Hai-si—the old name once more; his title was (not Khagan, but) Khan, which is a very old Sienpi word. His successor, Abkhai, the same year making a raid near Peking, sent an officer named Sakhalien (also a Nüchen name) to sacrifice at the tombs of Akuta and Ulu, which lay six miles outside the north gate of Fang-shan city, south-west of Peking. But the following statements made by him are particularly interesting : “I am not the lineal descendant of the Golden Dynasty, any more than the Chinese dynasty of Ming is the lineal descendant of Chinese Sung. In both cases tempora mutantur, nos et mutamur in illis. Our state originally consisted of the Manchus, Khuifas, etc., which the ignorant call Chushen ; but the descendants of the true Chushen lie towards Mergen, and have no concern with us. Henceforth simply say Manchu." (It must be remarked, however, that the highly - educated Emperor K‘ien - lung a century later says: “We Manchus are the Gold Source
(i.e., the Nüchens), “and the land we administered when our state began was called Chushen.”) In 1642 Abkhai said : “I now possess all the Golden Dynasty possessed" (plainly meaning "before they took Peking "). In 1644 Peking was taken, and his son was the first Manchu Emperor of China. One of the very first things the new Emperor did was to send to Fang-shan to find out exactly where the two graves were. He and his successor K‘ang-hi repeatedly repaired the tombs, the roads to them, etc., and offered sacrifices to the manes. In 1747 the Emperor K‘ien-lung said : “In the last chapter of the Golden Dynasty History, which discourses upon native Nüchen words, there are many absurd errors, owing to the Mongol author Tucta having recklessly copied in Chinese character things he did not in the least understand. He failed to see that all he had to do as a historian was to give the mere sounds of original Nüchen words as closely as possible, and not to trouble himself to fit them with Chinese characters of this or that supposed suitable meaning. The true significance of their titles and personal names can only be seen after a comparison with Manchu words having the same meaning. I have directed that all future editions shall be corrected by the Premier Nochin, with Manchu words alongside, as arranged under my direction. Shopkeepers are, notwithstanding, still allowed to sell off existing stocks if they choose, if only as literary curiosities.” The list of words is quite a long one ; but the Emperor, who was an efficient Mongol and Tibetan scholar, and very fond of dabbling in philology, shows that many of them were not Nüchen at all, but either Mongol or Solon. Among the words which I myself know to be original or borrowed Manchu, though I am ignorant of the language, he gives the following: peile, kurun, ilan (three), mingan, ordo (government office), fiyanku (younger), uyun (nine), sakhalien (black), uju (first, or head), aisin (gold=anch'un). He enumerates among the Solon words apparently borrowed by the Nüchens from the Cathayans meuk, “a village," and identifies the modern Solons (still China's best warriors) with the ancient ruling caste of Kitans. Akuta's title of tu-pekire, or “high duke, was also partly borrowed, tu being a Solon word meaning “high,” and pekire the Manchu title (still in use) of peile.
Russian influence has so far avoided Cathayan or modern Mongol territory. The railway runs from Port Arthur through Newchwang, Liao-yang, Mukden, K'ai-yuanfollowing, in fact, the old post-road-up to Mergen. A branch will doubtless pass through Ninguta from Vladivostock, and join the main line at Harpin east of Petuna. The Russians, in fact, stand exactly in the shoes of the conquering Nüchens and Manchus, and at this moment have more troops under their command at Port Arthur than either of those two peoples ever had at Kwang-ning. The modern Manchus stand in the shoes of the degenerate Nüchens of Genghis' time. Corea has never been able to resist any imperial dynasty established in South Manchuria, and (unsupported) could scarcely resist Russia to any effect. The one essential point which is necessary for the complete success of Russian “designs” on China (assuming, which I by no means do, that such are entertained) is the Shan-hai Kwan, where the Manchus have the good sense to keep their best forces, and through
which runs the “ English ” railway. From the Boer War the Chinese ought to learn the efficacy of entrenchments and repeating Mausers, and their ma-tsei or " horse bandits ” of Manchuria might be turned into very useful “ Boers.”
P.S.-I beg to refer readers to the excellent Russian map published by the Ministry of Finance a year or two ago, with a copy of which Mr. Pozdneyev kindly furnished ,
The Chinese Envoy who in 1125 proceeded by way of modern Peking to Altchuk, in order to congratulate the Nüchen Emperor Ukimai upon his accession, followed the line of the new “English ” railway past the Shan-hai Kwan to Mukden, and the following three places named by that envoy are actually marked as existing names on the modern English map (sold in London) recently issued by Mr. Waeber, formerly Russian Minister in Corea :
1. Chwang-wang Tien (26 miles south of next).
3. T'ao-hwa Tao (120 miles further north-east; an island).
The envoy passed also through Hien Chou (the old name of Kwang-ning).
Shên Chou (the old name of Mukden).
From Mukden to Altchuk he followed the new Russian railway, and actually names P'u-ho, thirty-three miles from Mukden, which is on Mr. Waeber's modern map; and proceeded thence through T‘ieh-ling, K‘ai-yuan, Ch'ang-t’u, Feng-hwa, Chang-choun (allas Kwan-chêng-tsz), across the Sungari and Larin rivers to Shwang-ch'êng ; across the river Altchuk to A-jê Ho, which is the site of the later or lower of the two Upper Capitals : but all these seven names, though identifiable with the envoy's names, are modern. Ch'ang-ch'un, however, was a Nüchên name. The village of Harpin, six miles south of the Sungari after it turns round to the north-east, is, as we have seen, mentioned several times in ancient history : this is where the new line from Vladivostock and Ninguta joins that from Mukden, to proceed in a north-westerly direction across the river Argun to Nertchinsk.
DIFFICULTIES IN THE SOUTH AFRICAN
By AFRICANUS SECUNDUS.
There have been some obvious sarcasms over disposing of the bear before killing him, but unless we are to assume that a united British Empire is unequal to the task to which it has set itself in South Africa, we need not be deterred, even after the inevitable early British reverses, from the discussion of a question which is really urgent in point of time. It may, however, be admitted that in Natal, at any rate, there has been a little premature eagerness to handle the question of settlement as one of spoils. Sir Hercules Robinson, in the early days of his governorship of the Cape, gave great offence by speaking of the little colony of Natal as having a soul too big for her body. The soul has by no means shrunk with years, and after the certainly valiant aid which Natal has rendered the Empire during this struggle, Natalians may be pardoned if they think that the best way to cure the disparity, which the Cape Governor Aung in their faces is to get a little more body. How much is a matter I will deal with at a later stage. The general question of settlement is one that it is not at all premature to discuss in all its bearings, since the close of the war will bring to the front a multitude of questions, personal, financial, and political, which will not wait for settlement. Prompt decisions will have to be given both by the home authorities and by their representatives in South Africa, and upon such decisions will depend to an extent almost unparalleled in history, the peace and well-being of half a continent. Let us at least not be taken blindly by surprise, as we were with the defective range of our artillery in warfare. If our military operations failed at first from lack (amongst other things) of local advice and information, let us at least see that those who have to resettle South Africa,