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this the Reformer intended that piety was indispensably necessary to an interpreter of the Bible. He only can properly expound the words given by divine inspiration, to whose heart the Holy Spirit has imparted a witness of their truth. This is now technically termed the theological element. "Spiritual things," he somewhere remarks, "cannot be apprehended when our hearts are not awakened and taught by the Holy Spirit."

It may here be remarked, that Melanchthon, like Calvin, has but few references in his writings to preceding commentators. He prefers generally to give his own views of a passage, unencumbered with learned quotations and references. He was not at all inclined to copy, like many of his servile contemporaries, the Christian fathers. "Jerome," he writes, " was a learned man and had in Palestine teachers well-skilled in Hebrew. You ought highly to esteem him, and not, as some asses do, despise everything which has come down from others. That he translated the Bible is a mat. ter of great importance, and for it he cannot be enough thanked. But did he not often err? What man does not mistake? What folly to imagine that a man can be without error! We sometimes mistake, when we are employed in interpreting our own language. We ought to derive advantage from the errors of great men, for human reason cannot discern everything. Interdum quoque bonus dormitat Homerus."

It should be mentioned, that our Reformer, notwithstanding all his excellences as an interpreter, was too much disposed to resort to the allegorical methods of interpretation which were then so much in vogue. He ever felt great interest in small enigmas, ambiguities of speech, playful turns in a sentence, etc. Rhyming even in matters altogether prosaic, was a favorite amusement. At the last Christmas festival of his life, he made, for the use of his hearers, a little poetic paraphrase of 1 Chron. 18: 17. This trait or tendency in Melanchthon's mind was a principal cause of his finding allegories and a double sense in certain passages of the Bible, and especially in the ritual ceremonies of the Old Testament. It should be added, that he did not in general apply this method to the weightier matters of doctrine. The high opinion which Luther entertained of Melanchthon's commentaries has already been referred to. Brenz, writing in 1527, says: The learned commentaries of Philip Melancthon on the Gospel of John are found in the hands of all." Afterwards, when the Reformer deviated from some points in the Lutheran creed, his commentaries were less esteemed, till finally they seem

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His Researches in Church History.

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to have sunk into general neglect. Since the middle of the last century, attention has been again directed to them. Such men as Mosheim, Ernesti and Semler warmly commended them. They are now established in the general favor, though they are somewhat overshadowed by the greater popularity of the writings of Luther and Calvin.

Melanchthon as a Church Historian.

Melanchthon had a signal advantage in the study of history in his extraordinary memory. He often refers, in his letters, with enthusiasm to the great events of antiquity. While he was at Tübingen, the work of Naucler, which then enjoyed a high reputation, was printed by Thomas Anselm. The editing of this book, as well as the correction of the press, was entrusted to Melanchthon. Later he edited a portion of the general history of the same author, and also partly prepared for the press an edition of Cario's Chronicon, which, for a long time, had great cur. rency in the schools. But to the history of the church of Christ, Melanchthon directed his attention with special interest. "It is necessary," he writes, "to be acquainted with church history. As a Roman citizen ought to know the history of the Roman State, and every man the history of the things relating to his profession, be he a physician or a warrior, so must the Christian understand the history of the church." When I was a boy I read much in a book which was written in Greek, and which treated of the history of the apostles and of other saints. Reuchlin had it in his library. I have seen nothing better. It was a MS. whose antiquity was undoubted. The reading of Greek caused me, when I was a boy, no difficulty, and I found joy in it, if I could only learn something of church history."

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In 1522, he wrote to Spalatin: We have from the same library (that at Worms) from which Theophylact was sent to us, some volumes of Chrysostom, as well as a large part of Basil, and not a little of Gregory Nazianzen." He was soon induced to make more extended researches into the field of church and doctrinal history, by the theological controversies which sprung up. The Sacramentarian dispute compelled him to institute a more exact inquiry into the teachings of the Christian fathers on this subject. The fruits of these investigations appeared in 1530, in his Sententiae Veterum aliquot Patrum de Coena Domini. In his Postils there are numerous indications of his intimate

and entensive acquaintance with the Christian fathers. For example, there are notices of the Manichaeans, Donatists and Pelagians, of the distinctions between bishops, priests, deacons and acolytes, of the destruction of Jerusalem, etc. His acquaintance with the early church is further proved by his book, published in 1539, De Ecclesiae Auctoritate et de Veterum Scriptis. By this valuable publication, he took his position as the forerunner and leader of all the Protestant church-historians. The first part is entirely doctrinal, in which the author treats of the relation of the doctrines of the fathers to those of the Bible. He then takes up at length the four oecumenical councils, Nice, Constantinople, Ephesus and Chalcedon. In this discussion, he decides. against the orthodoxy of Nestorius and Eutychus, contending that they had embraced the fundamental errors which had been before condemned in Paul of Samosata. He then considers the doings and decrees of eight of the more important provincial Synods. The church fathers, whose doctrines he examines, are Origen, Dionysius, Tertullian, Cyprian, Basil, Gregory Nazianzen, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustin and Gregory the Great. The doctrines, which he particularly examines are the trinity, justification by faith and the Lord's supper. The millennial notions of Tertullian he denounces as Jewish figments. Melanchthon introduces but few critical remarks on the genunineness of the writings which pass under review.

The Relations of Melanchthon to Luther.

The mutual connection of these distinguished Reformers is a matter of no little interest. The warmth of their early love for each other was in later times, as is well known, considerably diminished. Though no open rupture ever took place, yet it is sad to know that the bright chain of friendship which once connected the "dear Martin" to the "dear Philip" lost any of its lustre. But so it was. And it may not be uninstructive to trace the subject a little in detail. This will prove that the timidity of Melanchthon, was not the sole cause of the altered relations of the two friends.

We have already referred to the affectionate reception with which the young Tübingen scholar was welcomed in 1518 by Luther at Wittenberg. The warmth of their reciprocal love and esteem did not abate for several years. It may be well to quote a few of the ardent expressions found in their correspondence. In

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Mutual Regard of Melanchthon and Luther.

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1518, Luther playfully wrote, "To Philip Melanchthon, Schwarzerd, Greek, Latin, Hebrew, German, but never a barbarian." "Our Philip Melanchthon," he writes to Reuchlin, " is a wonderful man, yea hardly anything can be found in him which is not more than human; still he confides in me and befriends me in the highest degree." In this correspondence, it is interesting to observe how the fiery and robust spirit of Luther had made the deepest impression on his gentle and loving friend. So great was Melanchthon's zeal for theology, so glowing his hatred of the corruptions of popery, and so keen was the language with which he publicly defended Luther, that the enemies of the Reformation began to think that they had two Ajaxes to deal with instead of one. Melanchthon thus appeals to Hess of Breslau: "Where is now that Christian courage? Where is thine early heroism of soul, that thon now remainest silent, though thou knowest that piety and truth are on the side of Luther!" So vigorous were the blows that Melanchthon dealt out in defence of his friend, and against Eck, the Paris theologians and others, that the great Reformer began to think that he was destined to play but a secondary part. In Oct. 1519, Luther wrote to Spalatin: "You have seen, or may see, the positions taken by Philip (against Eck), a little audacious but most true. He so replied as to appear a wonder to us all. If Christ pleases, he will go beyond many Martins, a most strenuous foe to the devil and scholastic theology; he knows at the same time their vain devices and the rock, Christ; thus he will be mighty." "Perhaps," addressing Lange, "I am the forerunner of Philip, for whom like Elias, I shall prepare the way in spirit and power, for the destruction of Israel and Ahab's servants." Melanchthon's love to Luther was in the mean time, growing more and more fervent. "More wonderful is Martin," he writes in 1520, "than I can portray in words. I know how much Alcibiades admired his Socrates; I admire this man in a sense altogether different, as a Christian; the oftener I look upon him, the greater he appears to me." To Reuchlin's inquiry, whether he were inclined to leave Wittenberg for Ingolstadt, he gave a decided negative. In 1520, he wrote to Hess: "I would rather die than be separated from Luther." When Luther was in the castle at Wartburg, he wrote to Spalatin: "The academical affairs, as you have learned from others, are in good hands. We only miss our father, doctor Martin. O happy day when I shall once more embrace him!" And again at the news of Luther's illness: "The light VOL. III. No. 10.

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of Israel is kindled by him; were it quenched, what other hopes should we have? Therefore spare no pains to find out the best remedies for him, not only on his account, but for our sakes, yea rather only for our sakes. For I know how greatly he longs to depart and be with Christ. I have asked counsel of the physicians here; what they have answered, you will learn from the messenger. O that I could with this my poor life redeem his life, than which nothing on earth is more divine!" "Our Elias," was a common appellation which Melanchthon gave to Luther. The latter, on the other hand, called his learned friend, "Unicus Θεολόγου διδασκαλίας vindex.”

Under Luther's predominating influence, Melanchthon had devoted himself to theology, he hardly knew how. While in Tübingen, the thought of editing Aristotle had thrown a peculiar charm over the future. Years passed away, and with them there had been a decided alteration in his views. He did not, indeed, reject all which was then classed with philosophy; he continued to cherish the studies of medicine and the natural sciences. But he condemned in the most decided terms the physics, metaphysics and ethics of the ancients. To study these was in his opinion, not only a waste of one's talents, but positively pernicious to the religious feelings. At the same time, Melanchthon's love for classical literature was considerably abated. He now read, studied and commented almost exclusively on theological subjects, so that Luther began to regard him as his own guide and model.

But early in 1522, Melanchthon's love for theological inquiries was suddenly diminished. His letters for several years betray an increasing desire to resume his old pursuits. One cause of this change in his views, appears to have been the fanaticism which was springing up in various quarters. The doctrines of these enthusiasts had such a savor of godliness, that for a while Melanchthon himself hesitated to condemn them. But when they began to appear in their native deformity and to overrun Wittenberg, the difficulties of the young Reformer's position as a theologian began greatly to oppress his feelings. Multitudes made the doctrines of grace the cloak for the commission both of secret, and of open and revolting crimes. Luther was of course utterly opposed to these wild movements, yet it appeared to Me. lanchthon and others, that certain hyperbolical expressions of the Reformer gave some occasion for the prevailing disorders, or furnished fuel to the wide spreading flames. These sad events were the occasion of great sorrow and perplexity to Melanch

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