1846.]

Theological Views of Melanchthon.

329

with its noble characters, with its fine conceptions on morals and law, and with its aspirations after religious truth, spoke too loudly and clearly to allow Melanchthon to shut his ears. He believed that there were sparks of that divine light, though feeble and weak, which originally belonged to man in full measure. "Philosophers like Plato, Xenophon and other learned and well principled men," he says, "what did they think of God? Did they mark at all his existence? Certainly, they believed that there is How did they come to this belief? By considering the human soul itself, and then the structure of the universe. You know that in philosophy there are convincing proofs, that the world did not originate by accident, but that it proceeded from one, eternal, creative mind."

At the same time, in upholding the peculiar doctrines of Christianity, as undiscoverable by human reason and as indispensable to the salvation of the soul, no one was more decided than Melanchthon. His teachings give no countenance to modern rationalisın. He held fast to the great doctrine of the Protestants, that the Bible is the only authentic rule of faith and practice. Christ, as the truth itself, could not err. His apostles also spake as they were moved by the Holy Spirit.

In the early periods of his theological life, Melanchthon was altogether disinclined to indulge in speculations on the mysteries of Christianity. The extent to which the scholastics had carried their hypotheses, utterly useless as most of these were, deterred him from giving any countenance to their example. At a later day, his opinion was somewhat changed, when the danger of the reëstablishment of the scholastic philosophy was much dimin ished. He thought that by the temperate use of analogies from the material world, light might be thrown upon the doctrines of Christianity. In this respect, he copied the ancient fathers, particularly Augustine, whose writings he highly valued.

The truths which centre around the cross of Christ, were the object of Melanchthon's profoundest admiration and most ardent love. "All creatures," he remarks, "throughout eternity, will contemplate with the highest wonder, this union of justice and mercy. The reason is astonished at it and sinks to the ground. The theme is so great that were the universe, all angels and all men but one intellect, they could not comprehend its magnitude." But it is unnecessary to go at large into a subject, which is handled at length in the general histories of the Reformation,

and especially, since he has left such clear statements of his opinions in his Loci Communes and other writings.

It may be well, however, to advert to two or three topics, on which Melanchthon's views underwent, in the course of his public life, considerable change. These topics were Grace, Freewill, Predestination and the Presence of Christ in the Supper. The causes of this change appear to have been the influence of his constitutional temperament, more exact study, an increasing acquaintance with the Scriptures and the church fathers, the effects of Luther's disputes with Erasmus and of his own controversies with the catholic divines. His matured and final opinions may be gathered from the following statements. The doctrine of the fatalists, he contended, cannot be true, because it makes God the author of sin, e. g., of the crimes of a Paris, a Nero and of like men, and because it would render prayer wholly useless. The nature of the freedom of which man is now in possession, he sought to illustrate in the following manner. There are two species or modes of power or authority in man, which he names a despotic and a political. The first accomplishes what it wills, unconditionally; the other, indirectly and conditionally. God has impressed both forms on the nature of man. The despotic has respect to the control of the external members; the political, to restraining the inclinations of the heart. The last is almost wholly destroyed by Adam's fall. The heart has become blinded and obstinate, continually inclined to sin, so that there are only transient and feeble resolutions elicited for that which is good. But the despotic, though weakened by the destruction of the political, still essentially exists. The bodily members must move, or remain at rest, according to the will of the individual. One has the power to partake of, or refuse, the cup handed to him. A thief is under no necessity of stealing. In answer to the question, whether man is entirely passive in conversion, he says, if it were so, the change would be effected by force; there would be nothing said of effort or striving on our part, and conversion would be accomplished as water is poured into a vessel. Such imaginations are to be set aside; indeed experience itself refutes them, because conversion is not attained without a great struggle, and this attests that man is not simply passive. The Holy Spirit does not act in man as in a stock that does nothing, but he so draws and turns man, that he, i. e. the Holy Spirit wills that there should be some action of the will in adults and intelligent persons, which shall accompany his own agency. Pharaoh and Saul

1846.] His view of Election and the Lord's Supper.

331 opposed God, not by compulsion, but voluntarily. David freely confessed his crime and turned unto the Lord. Facts correspond with the old saying, praecedente gratia, comitante voluntate. Chrysostom says: "God draws, but he draws the willing." In respect to predestination, Melanchthon affirms, God has from eternity determined, of his mercy, to make those happy who believe his word. Our happiness is not grounded on our works or on our holiness, but on the immovable foundation of the Divine mercy. For every man this must be an inexhaustible source of consolation and joy. Thus it is clear, that the ground of predestination does not differ from that of justification. In the later editions of his Loci Communes, Melanchthon lays down the three following propositions: 1. Election is not to be judged of from reason, or the law, but from the gospel. 2. The whole number of the saved are elected on account of Christ. Wherefore, unless we include a recognition of Christ, we can affirm nothing of election. 3. We are not to seek one cause of justification and another of election. In respect to the presence of Christ in the Supper, Melanchthon writes as follows: "The bread, which we break, is that external, visible thing by which we are made partakers and members of the body of Christ; in the same manner as it is said, the gospel is the power of God, i. e. it is that thing or instrument by which God works. The words, the cup is the New Testament in my blood, are used metonymically, and one is reminded of the expression fasces sunt imperium Romanum. Christ is present in his own Sacrament, not because a priest there effects a change, or because there is power in the words to transform the thing, but because he most freely wills to be present at a rite which he has instituted, just as the Holy Spirit is most freely present in baptism." Peucer, Melanchthon's son-in-law, adduces the following reasons for the rejection of Luther's view of the Sacrament, in which reasons Melanchthon undoubtedly coincided: 1. It subverts the plain teaching of the Bible respecting the nature, particularly the human nature of Christ. 2. It strengthens, in fact, however it may be disguised in words, the whole foundation on which the superstition and follies of the Romish mass rest. 3. It increases among the common people the errone. ous and pernicious opinion that this Sacrament, by itself, is a means of grace, whether the partaker truly repents and believes

or not.

Estimation in which Melanchthon was held.

We may here advert to two or three incidents, which indicate the exalted reputation which this unassuming scholar and Reformer enjoyed. In 1535, he received an earnest invitation from Francis I. king of France, to repair to his court for the purpose of consultation on existing disputes in religion. The elector of Saxony could not, however, be prevailed upon to permit Melanchthon to accept the invitation, though he earnestly desired to do so. About the same time, Dr. Robert Barnes was sent by Henry VIII. of England, with letters of invitation to Melanchthon, to visit England. Henry offered him ample security from all mo. lestation and even hostages if he required it. This invitation was subsequently renewed. Luther, in this case, was averse to it. At a later period, Melanchthon was occupied with the care of the churches and academical establishments in Misnia. He also took an active part in managing the affairs of the university of Leipsic. He was, likewise, consulted in relation to measures for the improvement of the university of Tübingen. Urgent invitations were at various times tendered to him to become a professor at Tübingen, Ingolstadt and other seats of learning.

Melanchthon as a Biblical Expositor.

"Every good theologian," says Melanchthon, "and true interpreter of the celestial doctrine, must of necessity, be first a grammarian, then a logician, and finally a witness." Acquaintance with the Biblical languages was of indispensable importance to the Reformers. In no other way could they thoroughly expose the unfounded pretensions of the papacy. Hence this species of knowledge was regarded by the Romanists with special aversion. "In the Netherlands," says Melanchthon, "the Italians affirm that if a man be a good grammarian, he will necessarily be a heretic." Melanchthon was consequently led to devote himself, with great energy, to the study of the biblical languages. "It is very little," he remarks, "which I know of languages, yet this little I esteem so highly, that I would not part with it for a kingdom. A very great benefit is this gift of tongues, inasmuch as thereby one can repair to the sources; otherwise, how can he attain to any certainty." 'Alas for those who come to the study aid of other branches of knowledge.

of the Bible without the

1846.] View of the Qualifications of a Biblical Expositor.

333

"As

They seem to me like birds that would fly without wings." no one, destitute of light, can discern the difference of colors, so without an acquaintance with style, the whole Bible will remain unknown." Unlike many of his contemporaries, Melanchthon clearly perceived the value of Hebrew for the interpretation of the New Testament. "Though the works of the apostles," he writes, "are written in Greek, yet the Greek idiom is mingled with many Hebrew phrases and figures. In order to come to a full knowledge of the New Testament, the study of Hebrew must be pursued in the Church." With the same general object in view, the Reformer edited an edition of the Septuagint, which was published in Basil in 1545; rightly perceiving that a knowledge of this translation, which our Lord and his apostles so often refer to, would be of essential aid to a correct understanding of the Gospels and Epistles. At the same time, archaeology and particularly biblical geography, were not neglected. "I often remind you," says this zealous teacher to his scholars, "that you must look out these places on the map of Palestine, not only to obtain light on the text, but to excite your feelings, for things which are seen make a deeper impression." Melanchthon, also, in opposition to the practice of the scholastics, was fully aware of the importance of ascertaining the meaning of the Bible by a simple interpretation of the text and by a diligent collation of the context.1

A second qualification of the exegete, in the Reformer's opinion, was a knowledge of the principles of rhetoric and logic. By a continued study of the Scriptures, he was convinced, that he could not come to a correct acquaintance with many passages, especially in the writings of Paul, without understanding the course of thought and the logical connection. It is my opin

ion," he remarks, "that the words of Paul can be best understood, when we have respect to the course and ordering of the thoughts. It is self-evident, that Paul did not write without connection and a sequence of thoughts. He has passages in which he prepares the feelings of the reader for what is to follow. He has his own peculiar art in teaching and narrating, and if one will not pay regard to this in his expositions, what else will he do but that which Chrysostom says, 'fight in the dark,' (vvxzoμαχεῖν)!

In the third place a biblical interpreter must be a witness. By

It was then common to try to find four senses in every passage of the Bible, the literal, tropical, allegorical and anagogical.