[1849-1900 A.D.]

selves of enough of the cheap land to make them their own masters. They made up their minds that the secret of the success of other settlements, pitied for their liability to convict immigration, was in their convict labour; and the Swan River colonists petitioned the government at home to send them convicts to save them from destruction. Some of the settlers wandered away, as they could find opportunity, to other colonies, stripped of everything or carrying the mere wrecks of their expensive outfit.9

In 1849 the entire population was only 4,622. In the following year the prayer of the colonists that the colony be made a penal settlement was acceded to by the imperial government, and during the ensuing eighteen years over 10,000 convicts were transported. In 1868 at the unanimous request of the other Australian colonies the transportation ceased. Until this was done the colony made no material progress. In 1870 under the energetic governorship of Sir Frederick Weld a new era in colonial progress was inaugurated. A systematic exploration of the interior was undertaken and surveys made for railroad and telegraph lines. The discovery of gold at Kimberley in 1882 and at Yilgarn in 1887 still further added to the progress of the colony. In October, 1890, the colony was granted a new constitution providing a responsible representative government. Sir John Forrest who had served the colony well as one of the pioneers in opening up the interior, and later as the principal champion of the self-government movement became its first premier, and guided the colony safely into the confederation. The progress made during the decade of his premiership is evidenced by the growth in population which increased from 45,290 in 1890 to 195,000 in 1900.

QUEENSLAND

The history of Queensland dates from the planting of a penal colony at Moreton Bay (Brisbane) in 1824. It proved almost impossible however to attract free settlers to the colony, and little by little the penal station fell into

disuse. In 1841 there were only 200 people in the settlement. By 1842 it was practically deserted. In that year it was declared open to free settlers only, and a slight immigration took place. In 1844 there was a considerable group of "squatter" stations about Moreton Bay and on the Darling Downs,

[1849-1873 A.D.]

and the future prosperity of the region as a stock raising community had begun. By 1849 there were in the colony 72,000 cattle and over a million sheep. By 1859 the population of the district had reached 25,000 and despite the protests of New South Wales it was constituted an independent colony under the name of Queensland. A constitution conferring all the rights and privileges of self-government was granted and Sir George Bowen became the first governor. The first premier, Mr. Robert George Wyndham Herbert, held office continuously until 1866, during which period the north and west interiors were rapidly opened to settlement. The collapse of a government loan in 1866 during the brief ministry of Mr. Arthur Macalister, precipitated a panic, and an easily quelled revolt among the workers on the railroads. The discovery of gold at Gympie in 1867 was followed by a big "rush" to the region and prosperity was restored. Sugar planting, begun in 1862, became one of the leading industries of the colony, but led to the introduction of coolie and Kanaka labourers. Their restriction and control has since become one of the burning questions of Queensland politics. The decade, 1890-1900, was chiefly notable for the rise of the labour party as a power in politics, and the disappearance of the "squatter" as a dominant factor.a

AGRARIAN LEGISLATION: CHINESE EXCLUSION

The history of Australia since 1873 is mainly comprised in its industrial progress, for, with the exception of the advent of the labour party and the federation government, there have been no occurrences of such political importance as to call for special mention. The four eastern states had the privilege of responsible government bestowed on them at various dates between 1855 and 1860. After the establishment of responsible government the main questions at issue were the secular as opposed to the religious system of public instruction, protection as opposed to a revenue tariff, vote by ballot, manhood suffrage, abolition of transportation and assignment of convicts, and free selection of lands before survey; these, and indeed all the great questions upon which the country was divided, were settled before the year 1873. With the disposal of these important problems, politics in Australia became a struggle for office between men whose political principles were very much alike, and the tenure of power enjoyed by the various governments did not depend upon the principles of administration so much as upon the personal fitness of the head of the ministry, and the acceptability of his ministry to the members of the more popular branch of the legislature. For the most part, therefore, the history of the colonies is a catalogue of their domestic events, such a thing as a foreign policy being quite unknown. The leading politicians of all the states have felt the cramping effects of mere domestic legislation, albeit on the proper direction of such legislation depends the well being of the people, and to this sense of the limitations of local politics was due, as much as to anything else, the movement towards federation.

Taking the states as a whole, agrarian legislation has been the most important subject that has engrossed the attention of their parliaments, and every state has been more or less engaged in tinkering with its land laws. The main object of all such legislation is to secure the residence of the owners on the land. The object of settlers, however, in a great many, perhaps in the majority of instances, is to dispose of their holdings as soon as possible after the requirements of the law have been complied with, and to avoid permanent settlement. This has greatly facilitated the formation of large

[1870-1888 A.D.]

estates devoted chiefly to grazing purposes, contrary to the policy of the legislature, which has everywhere sought to encourage tillage, or tillage joined to stock rearing, and to discourage large holdings. The importance of the land question is so great that it is hardly an exaggeration to say that it is usual for every parliament of Australia to have before it a proposal to alter or amend its land laws. Since 1870 there have been four radical changes made in New South Wales. In Victoria the law has been altered five times, and in Queensland and South Australia six times.

Apart from the settlement of agrarian questions, recent Australian politics have concerned themselves with the prevention or regulation of the influx of coloured races, the prevention or settlement of labour disputes, and federation. The agitation against the influx of Chinese commenced very soon after the gold discoveries, the European miners objecting strongly to the presence of these aliens upon the diggings. The allegations made concerning the Chinese really amounted to a charge of undue industry. The Chinese were hard working and had the usual fortune attending those who work hard. They spent little on drink or with the storekeepers and were therefore by no means popular. The Chinese difficulty, so far as the mining population was concerned, was solved by the exhaustion of the extensive alluvial deposits. The nearness of China to Australia always appeared to the Australian democracy as a menace to the integrity of the white settlements; but the absence of any federal authority made common action difficult.

In 1888 an important conference on the Chinese question held in Sydney and attended by delegates from all the states, resolved that the number of Chinese privileged to land should be so limited as to prevent the people of that race from ever becoming an important element in the community. The New South Wales parliament ultimately passed a law which in some respects went much beyond the agreement arrived at. Under the New South Wales law masters of vessels were forbidden to bring to the colony more than one Chinese to every 300 tons, and a poll-tax of £100 is charged on every Chinese landing. In Victoria, Queensland, and South Australia no poll-tax was imposed, but masters of vessels may bring only one Chinese to every 500 tons burden. West Australian legislation was until recently similar to that of the three last-named states, but has now been superseded by the Coloured Immigrants Restriction Act. Tasmania allows one Chinese passenger to every 100 tons, and imposes a poll-tax of £10. These stringent regulations have had the effect of greatly restricting the influx of Chinese, but in spite of all precautions there is still some immigration. The only other alien race present in large numbers in Australia are the Polynesians in Queensland, where they number about 9000. Of late years there has been an influx of Hindus and other Eastern races. But a very large proportion of the Asiatics, whose entrance into the colonies it was desired to stop, were British subjects, and the imperial government refused to sanction any measure directly prohibiting in plain terms the movement of British subjects from one part of the empire to another. Eventually, the difficulty was overcome by the application of an educational test to the coloured races seeking admission to the states, whereby they are required to write out in some European language an application for permission to enter the colony in which they propose to reside. The agitation which this restrictive legislation caused was promoted and kept alive almost entirely by the trades unions, and was the first legislative triumph of the labour party, albeit that party was not at the time directly represented in parliament.

[1873-1890 A.D.]

THE LABOUR MOVEMENT

The labour movement in Australia may be traced back to the early days when transportation was in vogue, and the free immigrant and the timeexpired convict objected to the competition of the bond labourer. The great object of these early struggles being attained, labour directed its attention mainly to securing shorter hours. It was aided very materially by the dearth of workers consequent on the gold discoveries, when every man could command his own price. When the excitement consequent on the gold finds had subsided, there was a considerable reaction against the claims of labour, and this was greatly helped by the congested state of the labour market; but the principle of an eight-hours day made progress, and was conceded in several trades. In the early years of the seventies the colonies entered upon an era of well-being, and for about twelve years every man, willing to work and capable of exerting himself, readily found employment. The labour unions were able to secure in these years many concessions both as to hours and wages. In 1873 there was an important rise in wages, in the following years there were further advances. For five years thereafter these high wages ruled; but in 1886 there was a sharp fall, though wages still remained very good.

In 1888 there was an advance, and again in 1889. In 1890 matters were on the eve of a great change and wages fell, in most cases to a point 20 per cent. below the rates of 1885. In 1893 came the bank crisis and great restriction in trade. Almost the first effect of this restriction was a reduction in wages, which touched their lowest in 1895, and fell to a point below that of any year since 1850. Since then there has been a marked recovery, and wages stood in 1900 at about the same level as in 1873. During the whole period from 1873 onwards, prices, other than of labour, have been steadily tending downwards, so that the cost of living in 1900 was much below that of 1873. Taking everything into consideration the reduction was, perhaps, not less than 40 per cent., so that though the nominal or money wages in 1873 and 1900 were the same, the actual wages were much higher in the latter year. Much of the improvement in the lot of the wage earners has been due to the labour organizations, yet so late as 1881 these organizations were of so little account, politically, that when the law relating to trades unions was passed in New South Wales, the English law was followed, and it was simply enacted that the purposes of any trades union shall not be deemed unlawful (so as to render a member liable to criminal prosecution for conspiracy or otherwise) merely by reason that they are in restraint of trade. After the year 1884 labour troubles became very frequent, the New South Wales coal miners in particular being at war with the colliery owners during the greater part of the six years intervening between then and what is called the Great Strike. The strong downward tendency of prices made a reduction of wages imperative; but the labouring classes failed to recognize any such necessity, and strongly resented any reductions proposed by employers. It was hard indeed for a carter drawing coal to a gasworks to recognise the necessity which compelled a reduction in his wages because wool had fallen 20 per cent. Nor were other labourers, more nearly connected with the producing interests, satisfied with a reduction of wages because produce had fallen in price all round. Up to 1889 wages held their ground, although work had become more difficult to obtain, and some industries were being carried on without any profit.

[1890 A.D.]

THE GREAT STRIKE OF 1890

It was at such an inopportune time that the most extensive combination of labour yet brought into action against capital formulated its demands. A strike of the Newcastle miners, after lasting twenty-nine weeks, came to an end in January, 1890, and throughout the rest of the year there was great unrest in labour circles. On September 6th the silver mines closed down, and a week later a conference of employers issued a manifesto which was met next day by a counter-manifesto of the Intercolonial Labour Conference, and almost immediately afterwards by the calling out of 40,000 men. The time chosen for the strike was the height of the wool season, when a cessation of work would be attended with the maximum of inconvenience. Sydney was the centre of the disturbance, and the city was in a state of industrial siege, feeling running to dangerous extremes. Riotous scenes occurred both in Sydney and on the coal fields, and a large number of special constables were sworn in by the government. Towards the end of October 20,000 shearers were called out, and many other trades, principally concerned with the handling or shipping of wool, joined the ranks of the strikers, with the result that the maritime and pastoral industries throughout the whole of Australia were most injuriously disturbed. The "Great Strike," as it was called, terminated early in November 1890, the employers gaining a decisive victory. The colonies were, however, to have other and bitter experiences of strikes before labour recognized that of all means for settling industrial disputes strikes are, on the whole, the most disastrous that it can adopt.

One result of the strike of 1890 was the planting of a colony of communistic Australians in South America. Another effect of the Great Strike was in a more practical direction. New South Wales was the first country which endeavored to settle its labour grievances through the ballot-box and to send a great party to parliament as the direct representation of labour, pledged to obtain through legislation what it was unable to obtain by strikes and physical force. Several attempts had been made by individuals belonging to the labour party to enter the New South Wales parliament, but it was not until 1891 that the occurrence of a general election gave the party the lookedfor opportunity for concerted action. The results of the election came as a complete surprise to the majority of the community. The labour party captured 35 seats out of a house of 125 members; and as the old parties almost equally divided the remaining seats, and a fusion was impossible, the labour representatives dominated the situation. It was not long, however, before the party itself became divided on the fiscal question; and a protectionist government coming into power, about half the labour members gave it consistent support and enabled it to maintain office for about three years, the party as a political unit being thus destroyed. The events of these three years taught the labour leaders that a parliamentary party was of little practical influence unless it was able to cast on all important occasions a solid vote, and to meet the case a new method was devised. The party therefore determined that they would refuse to support any person standing in the labour interests who refused to pledge himself to vote on all occasions in such way as the majority of the party might decide to be expedient. This was called the "solidarity pledge," and, united under its sanction, what was left of the labour party contested the general election of 1894. The result was a defeat, their numbers being reduced from 35 to 19; but a signal triumph was won for solidarity. Very few of the members who refused to take the