[1844 A.D.] readily adopted a faith which made but trifling demands upon their belief, and differed in few material points from that which they professed. Community of danger became the bond of both a religious and a social organisation, and a nation grew out of a sect. As the birth-place of their founder Nanak, and of the teacher who in a still greater degree gave to the Sikhs their characteristic peculiarities, Guru Govind Singh was the Punjab, it was there that they congregated and became organised, in spite of the efforts of the viceroys of Lahore for their suppression, until they had become masters of the whole of the country from the Sutlej to the Indus.g The history of the Sikhs illustrates a phenomenon well known in Asia, where an insurrectionary movement is always particularly dangerous if it takes a religious complexion, and where fanaticism may endure and accumulate under a spiritual leader until it explodes in the world of politics with the force of dynamite. The martyrdom of their first prophet, and their persecution by the later Mughal emperors, had engendered in these hardy peasants a fierce hatred of Islam. They had been repressed and broken by the Afghan armies of Ahmed Shah, who routed them with great slaughter in 1761. But in 1762 they defeated and slew his governor at Sirhind; and in 1764 Ahmed Shah was recalled to his western provinces by a revolt in Kandahar. He died in 1773, after which date the grasp of his successors on the Punjab relaxed, and the Sikh confederation became closer and more vigorous.k RANJIT SINGH OF LAHORE Ranjit Singh was about twelve years old when the death of his father, in 1792, left him in possession of a large territory, of which his mother assumed the government during his minority; and being an ambitious, unprincipled woman, she entirely neglected the education of her son, as a means of retaining her own power; so that the boy was not even taught to read or write. She became, at length, so unpopular that she was assassinated-some say with the connivance of her son, who assumed the government at the age of seventeen, a short time before the fall of Tipu Sahib. It happened that young Ranjit had improved the opportunity to perform some service for Shah Zaman, king of the Afghans, who in return invested him with the government of Lahore [1798]; and after the dethronement of that monarch, Ranjit asserted his independence, and with the general consent of the Sikhs took the title King of Lahore, and soon established his authority over the whole of the Punjab. Ranjit Singh, being anxious to keep on friendly terms with the British government, concluded a treaty with an envoy sent to his court for that purpose, by which he agreed not to attempt to extend his territories to the east, beyond the boundary of the Sutlej river; but this treaty did not limit his ambition in other directions; and during the civil wars of the Afghans that followed the dethronement of Shah Shuja, he made great additions to his kingdom, both on the south and the west. The unfortunate Shuja, when he fled from Kabul, had at first sought shelter at Lahore, where he was detained for some time as a prisoner, and compelled to give up all the jewels; so that Ranjit Singh became, in 1813, the possessor of the famous diamond Koh-i-nur, which signifies "the mountain of light." The murder of Fatteh Khan, and the consequent breaking up of the Afghan monarchy, opened the way for the further aggrandisement of the king of Lahore, who crossed the Indus, and thus possessed himself of Peshawar; about the same time he became master of the beautiful valley of Kashmir [1819]. THE SUCCESSORS OF RANJIT SINGH [1845 A.D.] The death of Ranjit Singh, in June, 1839, deprived the English of a powerful ally, and the eastern nations of one of their greatest rulers. This illustrious prince, the founder of a vast empire, which was destined to fall with him to whom it owed its rise, was succeeded by his son, Kharrak Singh, who survived him but a few months. The funeral obsequies of the latter were celebrated with the sacrifice of one of his wives, and on the same day his son and successor, Nihal, was accidentally killed by the falling of a beam, as he was passing under a gateway on his elephant. This event gave rise to much confusion in the state, as there was no direct heir to the crown; and one party supported Dhian Singh, who had been Ranjit's chief minister; while the opposite faction proclaimed Shir Singh, another prince of the family. Such was the state of affairs in the Punjab during the early part of the Afghan War, and consequently the Sikhs were too much occupied with their own troubles to afford that efficient aid which had been expected from the friendly alliance that had subsisted between the British government and the late monarch, Ranjit Singh. The British government took no part in the dissensions that followed the death of Kharrak Singh, but maintained a friendly intercourse with Shir Singh in order to secure for the troops in Afghanistan a free passage through the Punjab, from Kabul to British India. The condition of the country was at this time extremely wretched. The great Sikh army - which had been organised by Ranjit Singh on the European system, and which in his time had been a powerful force, commanded by European officers-was now disbanded; the roads were infested with banditti, who plundered the villages with impunity, and in many instances set them on fire; so that the miserable peasants were wandering about everywhere, without the means of procuring food or shelter, while the government was too weak to afford the protection, and the king was regarded in the light of a usurper, by many of the greatest nobles of the kingdom. Shir Singh, however, maintained his seat on the throne until the month of September, 1843, when he was assassinated by some of the chiefs in his gardens, during the celebration of a public festival; his son shared the same fate. The citadel of Lahore was then seized by the conspirators; Dhian Singh, the minister, was shot, and the wives and children of the murdered princes were barbarously massacred. But the success of the insurgents was of short duration, for they were defeated before the close of the same day by the opposite faction, who captured their leader, and placed on the throne Dhuleep (Dhalip) Singh, a boy only seven years of age, said to be a son of the great Ranjit. The government was conducted by the minister Heera Singh, but the country remained in a very unsettled and miserable condition. The rani, or queen-mother, who acted as regent for her son, disliked the minister, Heera Singh. He was murdered in a rebellion of the soldiers, of which she was believed to be the instigator, in the beginning of 1845; after which her own brother Jewahir, who had headed the insurrection, was made prime minister, and remained in power to the end of the year, when another revolution took place, and he met with a fate similar to that of his predecessor. The confusion and misrule that prevailed at Lahore, and certain indications of a hostile disposition toward the British government, induced the governor-general to send several regiments to the frontiers, to protect the British possessions in case of invasion, but with a full determination not to go to war unless the safety of the empire was endangered. The troops [1845 A.D.] were stationed on the banks of the Sutlej, which is the largest of the streams that flow into the Indus, and forms the eastern boundary of the Punjab, separating that country from the British territories. While the governor-general was thus preparing for a war in the north of India, Sir Charles Napier was earning fresh laurels in Sind, where the British authority was still resisted by some of the mountain tribes, whose depredations in the districts around the locality prevented the establishment of good order, and acted as a check upon the industry of the peaceful inhabitants. [In January, 1845, Sir Charles succeeded in reducing them to submission.] FIRST SIKH WAR (1845-1846 A.D.) In the mean time, the signs of a war with the Sikhs were growing more manifest, till at length little doubt could be entertained that they were contemplating an attack on the British terri- on the part of the Sikhs; and as they sought the war without a reasonable pretext of quarrel or complaint, they are not entitled to that degree of compassion which the result would otherwise have called forth. The greatest cause of regret is that many valuable lives were sacrificed in the contest. The Sikhs began to cross the river on the 11th of December, and took up a position at Ferozshaw, a village about ten miles from the populous town of Firozpur, and an equal distance from the village of Mudki, the British headquarters. Orders had been sent to the troops at Ambala to join the [1845-1846 A.D.] army without delay; and by forced marches, they performed the journey (one hundred and fifty miles), along heavy roads of sand, in six days, suffering greatly from fatigue and thirst, as no water was to be procured on the way. On their arrival at Mudki, on the 18th of December, they found the enemy was then advancing in order of battle, and though nearly worn out with toil they had scarcely one hour to rest and refresh themselves, before the action commenced. It lasted from three o'clock in the morning till some time after nightfall, for the Sikhs fought with the utmost bravery, and it was not without considerable loss on the part of the British that they were at length driven from the field, leaving behind them seventeen of their guns, which had been captured during the engagement, and some thousands of their fallen comrades. Among the distinguished officers who fell at the battle of Mudki, was Sir Robert Sale, who with his wife had lately returned to India, having been in England since his memorable campaign in Afghanistan. After this defeat the Sikhs returned to Ferozshaw where, for three days, they occupied themselves in raising strong intrenchments around their camp, which, on the 21st of December, was attacked by Sir Hugh Gough, who had been reinforced by a detachment of troops from Firozpur. This was a more severe conflict than that at Mudki, for the Sikhs had the advantage of firing from behind their batteries, which could not be destroyed without a frightful sacrifice of life. Ere the close of day, however, this was partially effected; but the event of the battle was still uncertain, for while it was yet raging, the night set in, and obliged the combatants to cease for awhile their deadly strife. It was very cold and dark. The weary soldiers, without food or extra covering, lay down among their dead and dying companions, exposed to the cannonading of the enemy, which was kept up during the whole night; when daylight appeared, the attack was renewed, the enemy put to flight, and the camp taken. Seventy-three pieces of cannon were captured in this engagement. But the victors had scarcely congratulated each other on their success, when a fresh army was seen advancing, led by one of the chiefs who had just fled; and the British troops had to begin a fresh battle under all the disadvantages of exhausted strength and spirits. By exertions almost superhuman, this second army was put to flight, some of the chiefs killed, and the British remained masters of the camp, in which were found stores of grain and ammunition, both of which were greatly needed. The whole force of the Sikhs who had taken the field is estimated at about sixty thousand; while that of the British did not amount to more than twenty thousand, or one-third the number of their opponents. The Sikhs had retired to the other side of the Sutlej, and were assembling again in great force; so that it was evident that another battle would soon take place. They formed a solid bridge of boats across the river, over which they came in parties, on plundering expeditions; and about the middle of January, 1846, established a camp within the bounds of the British territory, where they soon mustered to the amount of about twenty thousand. The position they occupied was opposite the wealthy and populous city of Ludhiana, and Major-General Sir Harry Smith was despatched from the main army with a body of troops to unite with those remaining there for the purpose of repelling any attacks in that quarter. The enemy was posted so as to intercept his march, and the two armies met at the village of Aliwal, which has given its name to one of the most memorable battles recorded in the history of British India. [1846 A.D.] The battle of Aliwal was fought on the 28th of January, 1846, and ended in a complete victory over the enemy, whose loss was terrific; for, in addition to the many hundred slain in the combat, great numbers perished in their despairing efforts to make their way across the river. Rich shawls and gold bracelets in abundance fell into the hands of the victors. The immediate consequence of this engagement was that the whole of the territory on the left bank of the Sutlej submitted to the British government, and the Lahore troops evacuated every fort that they had held on that side of the river. But the main body of the Sikh army was still encamped on the opposite side of their fortified bridge at the village of Sobraon, and yet numbered about thirty thousand men, while it had seventy pieces of cannon remaining; added to which, they occupied a fort that was very strongly fortified; so that the British troops had before them the prospect of another sanguinary engagement. Sir Harry Smith, with his forces, rejoined the commander-in-chief, and on the 10th of February the battle of Sobraon terminated this eventful campaign. The intrenched camp was attacked and taken by storm, after a most desperate struggle, in which thirteen British officers were killed, and about one hundred wounded, the losses in the ranks being great in proportion. The victory, however, although so dearly purchased, was a decisive one. The Sikh army was almost totally destroyed, every gun captured, and it seemed as if scarcely a vestige was left of that formidable power which had so seriously threatened the perpetuation of the British dominion in India. Immediately after the battle of Sobraon, the victorious generals encamped in the Punjab, at Kussoor, about sixteen miles from the bank of the river and thirty-two from the capital. In the mean time the utmost confusion prevailed at the court of Lahore, where a very remarkable person was acting in the capacity of prime minister. This was the rajah Gulab Singh, the uncle of Heera, and brother of Dhian Singh. He was a powerful chief, with plenty of men and money at his command; but since the death of his brother, Dhian, he had resided at his fortress of Jamu, among the mountains, watching the course of public events. On the breaking out of the war, he brought his army, with abundance of stores and money, to the capital, but avoided taking any decided part in the contest. After the battle of Aliwal, the rani, though his personal enemy, was induced to appoint him prime minister, in the hope of obtaining his assistance, which he did not refuse, but still delayed his departure for the camp, under various pretences, and was yet at Lahore when the news of the total defeat of the army at Sobraon changed the whole face of affairs. The rani and her party were now anxious to make peace on the best terms they could, and Gulab Singh was commissioned to proceed at once to the British camp for that purpose. The rajah wisely insisted that they should first sign an agreement to abide by such terms as he should make; and thus invested with full power to negotiate, he arrived at Kussoor on the 15th of February, accompanied by several of the most influential of the sirdars. The governor-general received him without the usual ceremonies; and after alluding to the unjustifiable conduct of the Sikh government in beginning a war without the slightest pretext, he referred the minister to his agent and secretary, who were in possession of the terms on which he would pardon the late aggression, and renew the friendly alliance between the Sikh and British governments. These conditions were the cession of the whole territory between the Sutlej and Beas rivers; the payment of a million and |