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VII. There can be nothing which the Favourers of this Gentleman have to reply to these Observations, but this, that when he is once settled upon the Throne, he will then consult the Interests of the Brittish Nation only, and disappoint the Expeć. tations of the Courts of France or Spain. I have shewn, that he cannot do this, consistently with Gratitude, Honour, or Justice. But if, notwithftanding, it is still infifted, that he will, -I ask, What Security can we have, that such a Prince will be more conscientious in performing his Engagements to Us, over whom he will consider that he hath an indefeasible Property, than to others, over whom he hath no such Claims, and to whom he hath been so much obliged, and fodeeply engaged?
BESIDES, it will not be in his Power to act in this Respect as he pleases. France, enlarged by Conquest, having her Frontiers secured by the Rbine, her Commerce encreased and raised upon the Destruction of ours, and in Poffession of all the Ports of Flanders, which are within a few Hours fail of our own Coasts, could easily compel the distracted and divided People of Great Britain, sunk in Trade, destitute of Credit, and without Finances or Allies, to submit to her own Terms. And it is evidently no more the Design of that Crown to raise the Power of the Pretender to a State of Independence, capable of turning his Arms against her, than it is to favour the Interests of the prefent Royal Family. For whenever she asGifts, she doth it with no other View, than of making Tools of the Party affifted, by espousing their Interests in such a manner as shall make them sub
fervient servient to her own; which, in the Nature of Things, must be contrary to the Interest of Great Britain.:
WHAT then can be expected from the Succefs of the Pretender?-Nothing certainly in point of National Advantage: So that there can be urged no Motives of that Sort to induce any one to embark in the Undertaking, or even to countenance a Spirit of Difaffection,
VIII. Let us therefore examine in the next Place, how the Matter stands, and on which Side the Argument would conclude in point of Duty.
1. It is an undoubted Maxim, founded in the Reason of Things, that Protection and Allegiance are reciprocal. As therefore we have received the one, we ought the more chearfully to pay the other, and be vigorous in the Support of a Government, which hath so long protected us in the Enjoyment of all our Rights, Civil and Religious; and that in a greater Degree than ever was known before. i ;
2. Both Prince and People have entered into mutual Stipulations, and the most folemn Engagements to assist and defend each other, which therefore, neither Party have a Right to break through at Pleasure: Now.. ler any one look over the Declaration of Rights and Liberties made by the Lords and Commons in the very Year of the Revolution, viz. 1688, and say, whether he thinks in his Conscience, that the People are debarred of the full Pof
session of any one of them. And if they are not, How can any Man of Honour or common Honesty be free from his Engagements ?--More especially a CHRISTIAN, after having, in the most folemn Manner, called God to witness to the Sincerity of his Professions of Loyalty and Obedience?
3. SHOULD any one be so weak, or ignorant of our free Constitution, as to doubt of the Title of the present Royal Family (which in every View hath a much better Original, and Plea of Right, than any other Family since the Time of the Saxons, who by the baseji Treachery ufurped the Government from their Masters:) Nay even supporing there was a real Defeet,*_Why, St Paul hath decided in such a Case, that an established Conftitution, which answers the general Ends of Government, is not to be refifted, because the Title happens to be controverted: A defective Title being the very Pretence of the Jews, and Judaizing Christians, for their Reluctance to obey the Roman Government, viz. Because, in their opinion, it was not ordained of God. And yet the Apostle would by no Means admit of this Plea, but lays it down as a general Rule, that every settled Government (The Powers THAT Be) exercising that Office for the Good of the People, is so far ordained of God, as to have a sufficient, and therefore in that Sense a Divine Right, to the Loyalty of the Subject; which Service he cannot refule without committing a very beinous Sin.
* See my !Id Differtation against Mr Chubb, viz. on Rim xiii. Printed for 7, i rye, Holborn,
4. This Declaration of the Apostle, concerns ing Obedience to the Powers in Popeshon, is incorporated into, and made an essential Part of our Constitution both in CHURCH and STATE.
As to the CHURCH, the same Doctrine is contained in the Homilies, where King John, though a most notorious Usurper, is ftiled, Our natural Lord and Sovereign ; and it is observable, that before the Civil Wars, there is not one Instance that the contrary Position was ever held. Nay farther, the very Convocation expresly called to gether by the firft King of the Stuart Line reigning in England, to deliberate on such Points, gave their Judgments as follows; “ If any Man Thall « affirm,
- That when any new Forms of Go\ vernment, begun by Rebellion, are after tho
roughly settled, the Authority in them is not " of God; or that any who live within the Ter" ritories of such new Governments, are not “ bound to be subject to God's Authority, which ķs is there executed, - he doth greatly err."
Bishop Overalls Convocation Book, Coron XXIII. Page 59. N. B. This Quotation is brought with no other View, but to set forth the Sense of the Clergy of the Charch of England at that Juncture, concerning controverted or defective Titles in the reigning Powers,--defective I mean, with regard to Claims before Poffeffion, or the Pretensions of a Rival; for after Poffeffion, the Subject is precluded, according to the Sense of this Canon, from making any Objections againit the Lawfulness of obeying such a Government, or giving Countenance to the Pretenñons of a Rival, that would cfturb it when once quietly established.
And with respect to the State,* It hath been the conftant and invariable Maxim of the Common Law of England to ascribe the fame Powers and Prerogatives, Ecclesiastical, Civil, and Military, to a King de Fakto, as to a King de Jure. And to prevent any Poffibility of Doubt on this Head, the Legislature itself passed an Act, the 11th of Henry VII. expresly limiting the Obedience of the Subject to the King for the Time being. After this, it might appear superfluous to recite the Authority of the Courts of Judicature, in which the Statutes of both Sorts of Kings are always allowed to carry equal Force and Obligation; or the Opinions of the most eminent Lawyers, who are consequently the best Judges of the English LEGAL Constitution, and yet never made any Scruple to affert, that the Loyalty of the Subject was limited to the King in Poffeffion.
IX. But even allowing that all these Arguments are inconclusive, and that nothing can make Amends for the Want of a regular Succession of the next of Kin ;-the grand Question therefore is, Who hath the best Pretensions to the Crown by Virtue of this Succession? The Stuart Family can have no Right; for their Claim must descend from King John, who was not only a gross Ufurper,
Those who wish to have a clearer and more perfect View of all these Points, would do well to consult that excellent Book of Dr Higden on the English Constitution, with the De. fences annexed to it.
+ See this proved at large in Ballantyne's Hereditary Right of King George II. asserted: Sold by M. Cooper in Pater-Najler Row.