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licks to settle in France, and be wrong in the English to invite the perfecuted Protestants to come to England? Is not every Manufacturer, drawn from a rival Country a double Lofs to that Country?

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SECTION XXIII. The Dictates of Humanity, and the Principles

of the Christian Religion. I. W

HETHER the denying Refuge and

Protection to the Perfecuted and Distreffed, is in itself an humane and benevofent Proceedure? Whether it is such as we would chuse, to be done to ourfelves in the like Circumstances ?

II. When a Fellow Protestant is persecuted in one City, and flees to another, in Obedience to his Saviour's Commands,-Whether it is confiftent with the Religion we profess, as Christians and as Protestants, to shut the Gates of the City against him, and hinder him to come in? And whether the Foreign Protestants acted in thatinhospitable Manner to the English Refugees, when they fled from the Persecutions of the bloody Queen Máry?

III. Whether if these Kingdoms, for the Punishment of our Sins, should fall again unđer the Power of a Popifla persecuting Bigot,

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we should not esteem it extremely inhuman and unchristian to be denied a Protection and Asylum in some neighbouring Protestant Country?

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IV. WHETHER every Miscarriage of the Naturalization Bill in England is not industrioully made use of by the Priests in France, as an Argument to perswade the Protestants to turn Papists? And whether they have not from this Circumstance, a very plausible Pretence for saying, That the English refuse to receive the Foreign Protestants in Distress, when the Roman Catholicks give all possible Afliftance to the Members of their Communion? Whether therefore, when our Practice is compared with theirs, the Popis Religion doth not appear in a more advantageous Light, to our great Scandal and Reproach?.

V. Whether the Government and Clergy of France have not their Hands strengthened to persecute the Protestants by our denying them Admission? And whether the Perfecutions did not actually Nacken in France, when our Naturalization Bill was depending, and revive again after it was defeated? Whe ther therefore we ourselves do not become in some Sense the Accomplices of Popish Persecutors, in direct Opposition to the distinguishing Principles of the Gospel, and the Interest, the Strength, and Honour of our Church and Nation

APPEN

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A CALM ADDRESS to all Parties in Religion,

concerning Disaffection to the present Govern

ment.

A New Edition, Corrected and Enlarged.

THE Reader will easily perceive, that a Part of this Piece was published during the late Rebellion, when there was an Embarkation of Forces at Dunkirk, designed for the Invasion of this Kingdom. The Author imputes the favourable Reception it met with at that Time, to the Improvements it received from the Honourable Mr Justice Foster, who was pleased to revise it before its Publication. After mentioning a Gentleman

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* See the Reasons in Pages 49, 50, 53, and 69, of Part I. for annexing this Piece to the Subject of naturalizing Foreign Protestants,

of so distinguished a Character, he thinks it needless to say any Thing more, than to express in this publick Manner, his Gratitude to him for this, as well as many other signal Obligations.

The Additions now made, are submitted with great Deference to the Judgment of the Publick. And if what is advanced on this Subject may contribute to remove any ill-founded Prejudice against our present happy Constitution, the Author will think his Pains amply recompensed: But if the Abettors of a contrary Opinion should be irritated ágainst him for his Sentiments (delivered in an inoffensive Manner) and repeat their ill Usage to him, he hopes they will consider, that there can be no greater Proof of a bad Cause, than the Neceflity of supporting it by base and disingenuous Methods.

IT

T is not to be doubted, but the Friends and

Partizans of the Chevalier would make the World believe, that it would be greatly for the Welfare of this Nation if he should prevail; that his Reign, and the Restoration of his Family, would take away the Cause of Party Factions and Divisions; that the Liberties and Properties of the Subject would be secured upon as good, or rather better Foundation, than they are at present; that Trade would encrease and flourish; the People be eased of a great Part of their Taxes; and lastly, that he himself is a good, sincere, and honeft Man, and will give clear Proofs of it during the Course of his future Government.

LET

· Let us grant (for Argument Sake) the Since.. rity of his Heart, and the Uprightneis of his Intentions, to be as great as the most sanguine of his Adherents can - conceive them to be.

And let us consider what Political Consequences, with respect to Us, those very Principles would naturally produce, were he to succeed in his Attempts on these Kingdoms.

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1. Then, his Claim to these Kingdoms must be grounded on the Doctrine of an indefeasible, bereditary Right. He can have no other Pretence but this; for the prefent Reigning Family! have the Parliamentary Right on their Side, being called to the Crown by an open and unconstrained Election. His Plea therefore must be, and is in fact, that he is come to affert his Property, which has been so long detained from him.

Now if the Crown is a Matter of Property, and not an Office in Truf, if it is unalieniable, and not to be transferred by the People, in any Cafe, for the Security of their Liberties, and the General Good, this unalieniable and hereditary Property islikewise, for the very same Reason, not to be diminished or infringed. Consequently, all Statutes made to restrain or abridge the Prerogative, are void and null of course, being nothing better than so many popular Encroachments and Usurpations. For the Subječt is BORN the Property of his Prince, and therefore, can have no Right to insist upon Terms and Conditions from him. In short, bis only Remedy is to submit with Patience to the Will and Coromand of his Proprietor.

THUS

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