that attended Garrick's. Burke was one of the mourners, and (as we have already said,) came expressly from Portsmouth, to follow the great actor's remains.

CHARACTER OF CHARLES TOWNSHEND.

On Sept. 2, 1767, when Chatham having accomplished the scheme of his administration, was no longer minister,—died one of its brightest members, Charles Townshend, “whom,” says Burke, in parliament, "I cannot even now remember without some degree of sensibility. In truth he was the delight and ornament of this House, and the charm of every private society which he honoured with his presence. Perhaps, there never arose in this country, nor in any country, a man of more pointed and finished wit, and (where his passions were not concerned), of a more refined, exquisite, and penetrating judgment. If he had not so great a stock as some have had who flourished formerly, of knowledge long treasured up, he knew better by far than any man I ever was acquainted with, how to bring together within a short time all that was necessary to establish, to illustrate, and to decorate that side of the question he supported. He stated his matter skilfully and powerfully. He particularly excelled in a most luminous explanation and display of his subject. His style of argument was neither trite and vulgar, nor able and abstruse. He hit the House just between wind and water. And not being troubled with too anxious a zeal for any matter in question, he was never more tedious, or more earnest, than the preconceived opinions and present temper of his hearers required, to whom he was always in perfect unison. He conformed exactly to the temper of the House, and he seemed to guide, because he was always sure to follow it."

BURKE'S POWERS OF MEMORY.

The late Chief Baron Richards related to Mr. Haviland Burke, that having dined at a party where among others were Mr. Burke and an Archdeacon of Brecon, the latter, a man of

considerable learning and antiquarian research, started several subjects of conversation, that few of the hearers felt inclined or qualified to accompany him. Mr. Burke remained silent for some time, until, in the midst of a fluent account of some of the operations of Cæsar in Britain, he stopped the relater short by pointing out a material error as to facts, which changed the whole complexion of the story. The Archdeacon bowed, without making any reply. An obscure Latin author was next quoted, when Burke again corrected the clergyman as to two or three words, which was received with the same silent acquiescence. A third subject of debate was a scarce volume on ancient geography, with which Burke proved well acquainted. At the close of the evening, the Chief Baron and the Archdeacon walked home together. "Sir," observed the former, "I admired your patience when so repeatedly and I dare say unnecessarily interrupted by our eminent fellow-guest; for, from the nature of your studies, you must be a more competent judge of such matters than the bustle of politics can permit him to be." "Mr. Burke was, nevertheless, right, and I was wrong," replied the Archdeacon: 66 nay more; I confess I went previously prepared to speak on these subjects, for knowing that I was to meet him, and hearing that he was acquainted with almost everything, I had determined to put his knowledge to the test, and for this purpose had spent much of the morning in my study. My memory, however, proved more treacherous than I had imagined."—Abridged from Prior's Life.

LORD CHATHAM'S CRITICISM, AND BURKE'S REPLY.

In 1770, Burke, dissatisfied with the scanty notices published of the debates in Parliament, and finding that he "must either speak very broad, or weaken the matter and render it vulgar and ineffectual," aimed a fresh projectile in his famous pamphlet-Thoughts on the Cause of the present Discontents, a species of text-book for the Whig connexion, remarkable for the constitutional tendency of its general views,

the depth and truth of its observations, and the eloquence of style the germ of the leading doctrines of Burke's after-life, and the political creed of his party. The author was much attacked, and among those who took exception was Lord Chatham, who wrote to Lord Rockingham that it had done harm to the party; and that, "in the wide and extensive public the whole alone can save the whole against the desperate designs of the Court." Again: "A public-spirited union is necessary among all who would not be slaves."

Twenty years after Burke made the following strong comment upon Lord Chatham's abuse:

"July 13, 1792.-Looking over poor Lord Rockingham's papers, I find this letter from a man wholly unlike him. It concerns my pamphlet. I remember to have seen this knavish letter at the time. The pamphlet is itself, by anticipation, an answer to that grand artificer of fraud. He would not like it. It is pleasant to hear him talk of the great extensive public who never conversed with a parcel of low toad-eaters. Alas! alas! how different the real from the ostensible public man! Must all this theatrical stuffing and raised heels be necessary for the character of a great man!

"EDMUND BURKE.

"Oh! but this does not derogate from his great splendid side."-Rockingham's Memoirs, vol. ii.

BURKE'S LIBEL BILL.

One of the great measures of the busy Session of 1770–1771 was Mr. Dowdeswell's Bill on the rights and powers of juries in prosecutions for Libel. This was wholly Burke's measure, submitted previously to Lord Rockingham, and the heads of the party, and introduced by a member of station and weight. Lord Chatham privately opposed the Bill, and wanted its modification. Burke as strenuously urged that they must not give way, as there was evident design to deprive the

party of the credit of what would be one of their best and most popular measures. It is not a little curious (says Prior,) that Mr. Fox, who then likewise opposed it, took this Bill nearly to the letter, for his own Libel Bill in 1791. So far was Burke in advance of the eminent men of the day, in requiring an enactment that the jury should be judges both of the law and the fact.

To enable the reader to verify this statement, Mr. Prior has given in parallel columns, the chief heads of the Bill of 1771 and the Bill of 1791. (See Life, p. 341.)

PUBLICATION OF PARLIAMENTARY DEBATES.-BIRTH OF THE FOURTH ESTATE.

To the above measure immediately succeeded the battle of the Session, fought upon the right of the Press to publish reports of what was passing in Parliament-the contest lying between the House of Commons and the City Magistrates. It began by Colonel Onslow moving, on the 5th of February, that the resolutions against the publication of debates should be read. To this Charles Turner, Member for York, strongly objected, and was warmly supported by Burke, urging that not only the debates but the divisions ought to be published. The motion, however, passed unanimously.

On Feb. 8, Colonel Onslow complained that two printers continued to misrepresent speeches, in defiance of the above resolution, and they were ordered to attend at the House, when in vain Burke warned the majority not to proceed to extremities, declaring that the liberty of the press, and the standing order, if rigidly enforced, could not exist together.

The printers did not appear on the appointed day; another order was made for their attendance, but the Deputy Sergeantat-Arms failing to bring either of the recusants to the bar, the House addressed the Crown to issue a royal proclamation against the printers, and to offer a reward for their capture. Meanwhile, Colonel Onslow called " three brace" of printers to the bar, and Burke and Turner divided three-and-twenty

times. After several divisions, Burke said: "I will not, under the general idea of carrying into execution a standing order, give my countenance to these proceedings. You are walking in new and untrodden ways. There is not an inch of this ground that has not been contended with the people. Power, not exercised with wisdom, will be found to be terror, and will end in weakness." The Speaker grew sick and weary, when Burke, commiserating his distress, agreed with him that his position was lamentable, but assured him that the stand must be made; that if they contented themselves with only giving a single negative they might have printers at the bar by dozens; and that nothing should deter him from going on with the divisions. Two o'clock in the morning came, the minority now reduced to fifteen were still facing a Ministerial majority of 79; but, when the House adjourned at 4 o'clock in the morning, on March 12, the great victory was virtually won-the Fourth Estate was born. The House met again on the 14th, when the minority still stood firm, and Burke, after exulting in the endeavours that had been made, and recapitulating the circumstances in which they had arisen, added: "Posterity will bless the pertinacity of this day." After this bold prophecy, Burke declared that whenever such rash actions should be attempted under the colour of standing orders, he would act in the same manner. Conway recommended him to carry that line of conduct in future to Hockley-in-the-Hole. Charles Fox grieved that he should turn the House into a bear-garden. George Onslow asked what else but ignorance of its orders could the House expect from a man who was not descended from Parliamentary men. Burke desired to offer a few words to the House. “If," he said, "it be still an elective and not an hereditary body, I am not," he proudly added, "descended from Members of Parliament. I am not descended from any eminent person whatever. My father left me nothing in the world but good principles, good instructions, and good example, from which I have not departed. The gallant General says he has a character to keep. My circumstances will bear witness to