§ 91. (v. post.) in all forms (thus e.g. a *feriminos sum, — es, etc.), has been retained as 2 and 3 p. sg. imper. of the earlier lang., where it ends, however, not in os, but in o, probably after the analogy of the other real imperative endings in o (final s may be lost in Old-Lat., v. supr. § 79); e.g. fă-mino, frui-mino, progredi-mino, arbitrā-mino, profitē-mino, to which we must supply es or esto: thus the underlying forms are probably such as *faminos esto, etc.

§ 92.

VIII. Stems with sf. origl. -ra-.

Noun-stems with sf. -ra-, -la-, occur in the separate Indo-Eur. languages, and consequently it is certain that this formation belonged to the period of origl. language. To show that is a particularly common element in sff., it is enough to mention the diminutives in 7 (for Lat. and Gk. cf. L. Schwabe, de deminutivis Graecis et Latinis liber, Gissae, 1859). On -ra- as compar. sf., v. § 105.

Indo-Eur. origl.-lang. rudh-ra- (red), √rudh (become red); sad-ra- (seat), vsad (sit); ag-ra- (masc. field), vag.

Sanskrit. Sf. -ra-, -la-, sometimes occurs with auxil. vowel i (§ 15, f). rudh-i-rá- (v. supr.); dīp-rá- (shining), √dīp (shine); kid-rá- (pierced; ntr. defect, flaw), √kid (split); áý-ra- (masc. plain, field), ✔ag (go, drive); an-i-lá- (wind), √an (blow), etc.

Greek. ¿pv0-pó- (red); λaμπ-pó- (shining), λáμπ-w (shine); φαιδρό- (bright), cf. φαίδιμο- (gleaming); λυπ-ρό- (grievous), √λʊπ (Xúπ-n grief); ǎx-po- (highest, topmost; ntг. åк-po-v top, point; άk-pa fem. top), √origl. ak (be sharp); πте-ρó- (ntг. feather, wing), √TEт (TÉт-oμaι fly); ảy-pó- (masc. field), √ảy; Sa-po- (ntr. gift), √do (give); ed-pa (fem. seat), √ed (ëšoμai sit), etc.; Sun-pó- (thirsty), verb.-stem difa- (dáw thirst); oɩyn-λó (silent), verb-stem σıya- (be silent); åπaтn-λó- (deceitful), verb-stem åжатα- (cheat); deɩ-λó- (timid), √/dɩ (fear, e.g. δέ-δι-μεν, δέ-δοι-κα) ; μεγάλο- (big), Vorigl. mag or magh (wax, thus origly.grown'); ỏμíx-λn (mist), √ migh (moisten); Bŋ-λó- (threshold), √ßa (go); þû-λo- (ntr. race), pū-λń (tribe),

vou (beget, grow), etc. As primary and secondary sf. -epo- § 92. often occurs, e.g. φανερό- (clear), V φαν (φαίνω show); δροσερό(dewy) from Spóσo-s (fem. dew); poßepó- (fearful), þóßo-s (masc. fear), etc.; also in other sff., e.g. -vpo-, -wpn-, -wλo-, -wλn-, -iλo-, we find origl. sf. -ra-.

Latin. rub-ro- (ruber red), rub, origl. rudh; scab-ro(scaber rough), √scab (scabo scratch); sac-ro- (sacer holy), √sac (sancire); gnā-ro- (gnarus knowing), ✔gna (know); plē-ro(full), √ple (fill); ag-ro- (ager field), √ag (agere); sella (stool) for *sed-laed-pa, √sed (sedere sit); sf. -la- is frequently added to derived verbal-stems, e.g. candē-la (lamp), stem cande- (candere glow, be white); medē-la (remedy), stem mede(medēri heal), etc., whose analogy, as in impf. (v. post. § 173, 7), is followed by the formations of stem-verbs, as e.g. seque-la (following), sequi (follow); fugê-la (flight), fugere (flee); loquē-la (speech), loqui (speak); queré-la (complaint), queri (complain). Hence we see here, as in the Sclavonic participle, clearly an addition to verbal-stems, which occurs in Greek as well. -lais also a common element in Latin in sff. (-ulo-, -ula-, -ili-). IX. Stems with sf. origl. -an-.

These stems occur in all Indo-Eur. languages, but rarely, it is true, in some of them, while in others they are very common -e.g. Teutonic; but I know of no example which we may confidently ascribe to Indo-European except vad-an- (ntr. water), and ak-an- (masc. stone; cf. Sk. áç-an- and Goth. aúhna-, which may very probably be derived from an older consonantal stem).

Sanskrit. rág-an- (n. sg. ráģā, n. pl. ráģān-as, loc. sg. ráģń-i, ráģan-i, king), √raý (ráģ-ati shines, rules); sné-han(friend), √snih (love); vŕš-an- (rainer; bull), √varš (rain) and other like nom. agentis; áç-an- (masc. stone, rock), √aç (strike); ud-án- (ntr. water, not used in all cases), √ud (wet), probably arising from vad.

The very frequent Sk. sf. -in- is probably akin, e.g. primary

§ 93.

§ 93. in math-in- (beside mánth-an-, churning stick), √/math (move, stir); exceptionally common as secondary sf., e.g. dhan-in- (rich), dhána- (ntr. possession), etc.

$93a.

Greek. The sff. corresponding to origl. -an- are here not uncommon, e.g. Tép-ev- (n. sg. masc. Téρηv tender), √TEP (TEĹP-W τέρην (τείρω rub); åpny-óv- (masc., ǹ. åpýỳ-wv helper), cf. åpńy-w (help); cik-óv- (fem., n. eik-óv image), cf. e-ou-a (perf. am like) and the like; more frequently still is found the sf. -wv-, which must be considered a lengthening or step-formation of -an-, e.g. ale-wv- (glowing), cf. aï0-w (kindle), √/i0; kλúd-wv (masc. wave, surge), √κλvd (kλúšw rinse, wash); Tóρd-wv (masc. farter), περδ (πέρδ-ω fart), etc. In πευθ-ήν (masc. inquirer), ν πυθ (πυνθάνομαι, fut. πεύ(θ)-σομαι inquire) ; λειχήν (scale), λιχ (λείχω lick), etc., we see the rarer -ŋv-=origl. -an-. As secondary sf. -wv- appears in ȧvdp-áv (men's apartment), stem ȧvdp- for *ἀνρ-, ἀ-νερ- (n. ἀνήρ, gen. ἀνδρός man); ἱππών (masc. stable), ππо- (horse), etc.

pag

Latin. Sff. with short vowel are not very common, e.g. n. sg. a-sperg-o gen. -in-is (fem. besprinkling), stem thus -sperg-on-, -sperg-en-, √sparg (sparg-o sprinkle, scatter; a-sperg-o besprinkle); com-pāg-en- (fem., n. com-pag-o fastening), (pang-o fix, com-ping-o fix together); pect-en- (masc. comb; gen. pect-in-is), pect-o (comb); on the other hand, -ōn- is common, as in Gk. -wv-, e.g. ed-ōn- (masc., n. edo, gen. edōn-is eater), com-ed-on- (devourer), /ed (ed-o eat, com-ed-o eat up); com-bib-ōn(fellow-drinker), cf. com-bib-o (drink with); ger-ōn- (bearer), cf. ger-o (bear, bring) and the like.

X. Stems with sf. -ana-.

The sf. -ana-, which in Sk., Zend, Gk., and Gothic forms stems used as infinitives, belongs to the period of the Indo-Eur. origl. language, in which formations such as bhar-ana-, √bhar (bear); vagh-ana-, perhaps vāgh-ana- (uectio, ntr. waggon), vagh (uehere), and the like must be presupposed. Cf. moreover the med. participles of Sk. and Zend in -ana-, -āna- (§ 91),

which perhaps belong here; the Gk. pres.-stems such as ik-ave-, §93b. μave-ave-, and Sk. e.g. iš-aṇa-, grh-āṇa- (§ 165, iv. b).

Sanskrit. Sf. -ana-, with root-vowel i, u accompanied by step-formation of root-vowel, forms nomina actionis and nomina agentis (also adjectivals). The dat. and loc. sg. of the abstracts in -ana- (-anāya-, -anē-) are used as infinitives, e.g. dat. gám-anāya, loc. gám-anē, stem gám-ana-, n. sg. gám-ana-m (ntr.), √gam (go); likewise bhár-ana- (bear, hold), √ bhar (bear); bhéd-ana- (split), √bhid; bháv-ana- (be), √bhu; dána- (giving, gift), i.e. *dā-ana-, √da (give); kár-ana- (cause), verb-stem kāraya- (caus., √kar make), etc. The sf. appears as fem. also in this function, e.g. ās-and- (stay), √ās (sit); yāk-aná (begging), √yāk (beg).

Nomina agentis of this form are e.g. náy-ana- (ntr. eye 'the guiding thing'), √ni (lead); vád-ana- (ntr. mouth, 'the speaking thing'), √vad (speak); vāh-ana- (ntr. waggon, 'the carrying thing'), √vah (carry); dáç-ana- (masc. tooth, 'the biting one'), √daç (bite); nánd-ana- (masc. delighter), verb-stem nandaya(delight), √nand (rejoice), etc. Fems. of this function are e.g. gan-ani (genetrix), i.e. *ģan-anya from masc. gán-ana-, verbstem ganaya- (beget), ✔gan (be born; beget), etc.

As adjs. are used e.g. ýval-aná (burning), ✔ýval (burn); çōbh-aná- (pretty), √çubh (sparkle), etc.

Greek. Here belong the nouns in -avo-; thus neuters κóπ-avo(pestle), √кOT (кÓTT-TW, KE-KOTT-ws Strike); őpy-avo- (tool), √ Fepy (epy-ov work); ox-avo- (handle), √èx (ex-w have, hold), Sρéπ-ανο- (sickle), δρεπ- δρέπ-ομαι pluck), etc. ; τύμπανο- (ntr. drum, cudgel) with nasalized √TUTT (TÚπ-TW beat), which often happens in the stems of this formation used as pres.-stems; masculines, e.g. σтép-avo- (crown) √σTEP (σTÉP-Ewv gird, crown); xód-avo- (Hêsuch. podex), vxed (xéw caco); feminines like nd-ový (pleasure), √åd (åvd-ávw, åd-ńow, č-ad-ov please), origl. svad; ȧyx-óvn (strangling, hanging), √ảyx, ảx (äyx-w throttle, ἄχνυ-μαι am pained), etc. ; δρεπάνη (id. q. δρέπανον); θηγάνη

§93b. (whetstone, also Ony-avo-v is attested), √ony (Ońy-w whet); σTEO-án (encircling, crown), cf. σTép-avo-s, etc. Adjectival, e.g. σκεπ-ανό- (covering), σκεπ, cf. σκέπη (cover); ἱκ-ανό(sufficient), vik (iк-véομaι, iк-óμηv come), etc.

§ 94.

As from sf. -as- arises Lat. infin. in -re-, and from -manaGk. infin. -μevai (v. § 91), so also from -ana- comes Gk. infin. in -eval, which we consider as loc. sg. of a fem.-stem. A form Meλoπ-évaι points to a stem origl. rirāikana-, i.e. a nom. agentis in -ana- formed from perfect-stem; pépeiv for *pepeivi, *peρevi (§ 26, 3), with shortened ending for *pepevar, to a stem bharana- from pres.-stem pepe=bhara-, whose termination -a serves likewise as initial sound of sf. -ana-. Stems ending in a vowel mostly do not assume -ana-, but only -na-, hence διδόναι, ἱστά-ναι, δεικνύναι ; yet θεῖναι = *θεεναι, δοῦναι = *δοεναι.

Latin. A formation quite corresponding to origl. -anadoes not occur to me. As Gk. unxavý appears in Lat. as māchina, we may probably place here the Lat. forms with sf. -ino-, -ina, whose i therefore, as often in Lat., is weakened from a; thus, e.g. pāg-ina (fem. leaf, page), √pag (fasten, join, pres. pang-o); sarc-ina (fem. bundle, load), √sarc (sarc-io patch, repair); dom-ino- (lord), fem. dom-ina, √dom (dom-o subdue, tame), cf. Sk. dam-ana- (taming, subduing).

XI. Stems with sf. -na-.

These stems, used in all Indo-Eur. languages, are much employed as past part. pass., in meaning like those in -ta-.

As a regular formation this part. occurs only in certain Sk., Scl. and Teut. verb-stems, whereby its existence in Indo-Eur. is sufficiently proved.

Indo-Eur. The frequent use of -na- in noun-stems appears from words such as svap-na- (masc. sleep), √svap (sleep); stā-na(ground, place), √sta (stand).

Sanskrit. sváp-na- (as orig.); yag-ná- (masc. offering, worship), √yaģ (offer, worship); ánna- (ntr. food) for *ad-na